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The Tortuous trail to a United Ireland

The Irish Free State, comprised of 32 counties, came into being in 1916 and seceded from the United Kingdom under the Anglo-Irish Treaty in 1922. 6 counties under the control of Unionists, opted to remain with the United Kingdom.

The Irish Government introduced a republican constitution in 1937, which included a territorial claim to the 6 counties of Northern Ireland). The Oath of Allegiance to the British monarchy was abandoned and an elected President, Head of State, appointed.

In January 1939, the IRA Army Council declared war against Britain, and began a “Sabotage Campaign” a few days later. The plan involved IRA operatives based in Britain bombing British infrastructure, with a view to weakening their war effort.

But the British and Irish Governments cracked down hard on the dissidents and the campaign petered out. At the war end the severely depleted IRA membership faded into obscurity for a short period but recovered and formed a Dublin Unit which called for a ceasefire with the United Kingdom.

In 1947 a rebuilt and growing IRA held its first Army Convention since World War II and a new leadership was elected. It believed that a political organisation would be necessary to assist the progress of increasing its influence and members were instructed to join Sinn Féin. By 1950 the IRA had established complete control of the Party.

In 1949 the 26 counties formally became a republic under the terms of the Republic of Ireland Act 1948, and terminated its membership of the British Commonwealth.

 

At the start of the 1950s the IRA started planning for a renewed armed campaign in the North and in the 6 counties, and in 1956 “Operation Harvest” was launched.

The border campaign, as it became known, involved various military units, “flying Columns” carrying out a range of military operations, from direct attacks on security installations to disruptive actions against infrastructure.

The Irish and United Kingdom Governments eventually curtailed IRA operations by breaking its morale through the introduction of internment without trial, first in Northern Ireland and then in the Republic of Ireland. The campaign faded and ended in February 1962.

The failure of the border campaign brought about a review of tactics between the leaders of the two distinct groups in the movement. A faction consisting of older IRA men who had served prison sentences together in the Curragh favoured traditionalism and now controlled Sinn Féin and a faction of younger, left-wing IRA members who now commanded the IRA Army Council.

It was made clear by the Army Council that Sinn Féin answered to the IRA, not the other way around. A hard-line stance that alienated the Curragh faction many of whom resigned from Sinn Féin in protest.

Sinn Fein/IRA adopted class-based political policies and rejected any action that could be seen as sectarian, including the use of IRA arms to defend one side, (the beleaguered Catholic communities of Northern Ireland) against the other.

 

In the period 1962-1969 the conduct and failure of international politics throughout the World brought with it an increasing incidence of USSR confrontational challenges to the Western nations of NATO coupled with sponsored proxy wars in Africa and South America and the Middle East. The Vietnam War resulted in the deaths and major injuries of many thousands of American and Australian service personnel.

The carnage went on for years but eventually people called time on the excesses of politicians and demanded that their voices be heard and their wishes acceded to.

The Civil Rights movement was born and millions marched for “equal rights” between 1967-1969.

In the six counties John Hume and other civil rights campaigners, appealed to the Unionist Government to ease its grip on the public, claiming they had a “right to march” and argued that other groups should be afforded the same right. But their pleas fell on deaf ears.  Unionist politicians were not inclined to permit any civil rights protests or marches.

 

But, adding insult to injury, on 12 August 1969 an Apprentice Boys march was given the go-ahead in Derry and proved to be the spark that lit the flame that became the Battle of the Bogside.

Nationalist protestors threw stones and bottles at the loyalist parade as it passed close to a Catholic area and Protestant supporters responded in kind.

Royal Ulster Constabulary officers (RUC) moved in and became involved in pitched battles with the nationalist in support of the Protestant rioters.

The rioting in Derry continued until 14 August 1969, attracting worldwide media attention. Within a few days, the trouble spread to Belfast ad the British army was deployed to Northern Ireland in August 1969.

From that time the population became totally polarised, sectarianism prevailed and barricades went up to keep protestants and Catholics safe within their ghettos.

But the citizens of the six counties wanted only to be afforded the same basic democratic rights enjoyed by other people of the United Kingdom and their wishes could have been conceded without any detrimental effect to the political arrangements in place at that time.

Luddite Unionist politicians in the six counties and London, with their stranglehold over the electorate, ignored growing tensions within the community, brought about by civil rights marchers and campaigners who encouraged civil disobedience and this led to a rapid escalation of violent clashes involving nationalists, unionists and the police. Unionist were bereft of vision and their stupidity brought the six counties to its knees.

The Provisional IRA wing of Sinn Fein took on responsibility for the defence of the minority Catholic population a policy change that morphed into a thirty-year armed struggle against the British presence in Northern Ireland.

Operation Demetrius, (Interment Without Trial) was introduced in Northern Ireland, by the Stormont Unionist Government, in the early morning of 9 August 1971 in response to warnings of a Protestant backlash if it did not act against the IRA.

Approximately 340 people from Catholic and nationalist backgrounds were arrested and locked up. The intelligence used in making the arrests was seriously faulty and scores of people ended up detained who had no connections with the IRA. Of those arrested more than 100 were released within 48 hours.

Internees were taken to the new built Long Kesh camp near Lisburn, (later known as the Maze Prison), Magilligan British army camp in Co Derry and the “Maidstone” ship in Belfast Harbour.

The operation prompted serious violence within the Catholic communities. 23 Catholic protestors were killed between 9 and 10 August, including 10 who died in the Ballymurphy Massacre in West Belfast.

The extreme measures alienated Catholics and Nationalists and provided a recruitment boon for the IRA, just as Bloody Sunday would do six months later in Derry.

Internment also added impetus to the unrest and it is estimated that nearly 150 Catholics were killed and many more severely injured by the end of 1971.

Many Catholic families fled to the Republic to escape the violence and were housed in special camps.

Internment, in which over 2000 people were locked up without trial, ended in December 1975. Of that total just over 100 were loyalists. The first loyalist being interned early in 1973.

 

The first years of the war were intense and ferocious. In 1972 alone the IRA killed 100 British soldiers, wounded another 500 and carried out 1,300 early warning bombings. In that same year 90 IRA activists were killed, a heavy toll.

But the tactic appeared to be vindicated when, in July 1972, the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, William Whitelaw, secretly met their leadership in London.

The talks came to nothing because IRA demands were too high and a fragile truce broke down in contentious circumstances. But the process convinced the Republican Movement that Sinn Fein/IRA possessed the motivation and the means to force Britain’s departure from Ireland.

In 1974 the political wing of Sinn Fein/IRA addressed its less than harmonious relationship with the 26-County Irish Republic with the issue of a new mission statement:

“Sinn Féin will lead the Irish people away from British 6-County and 26-County parliaments and reassemble the thirty-two County Dail which will legislate for and rule all of Ireland”.

The content of the statement was the subject of widespread discussion over many months since its acceptance would bring about an adoption of new political thinking while ensuring that the military campaign remained paramount but closely harmonised with the advancement of a political dialogue.

But the new pragmatic Northern Ireland leadership of Gerry Adams was determined to get Sinn Fein to occupy the political vacuum South and North of the border with the purpose of getting the opposition to the negotiating table and this meant participation in elections and required the abandonment of the Sinn Féin/IRA constitutional ban on taking seats in Dáil Eireann, the issue which split Sinn Féin/IRA in 1969-70 and led to killing feuds between the two factions for a number of years after.

Adams won the argument and with his enlightened pragmatists on board they worked hard to ensure there would be no new splits in Sinn Fein or the IRA.

Political progress over the next 10 years was hindered, stalled and often reversed due to sustained Unionist military activism against the minority population, the intransigence of ruling political establishment figures and armed para-militant organisations in the 6-Counties.

The military campaigns of both sides intensified and casualties soared amongst the innocents of the population of the 6-Counties and in England. (There were at least 10,000 bomb attacks and 3,635 killings up to 1998, including 257 children.)

Yet the impact of the setbacks also proved positive for Sinn Fein/IRA who developed sophisticated strategies and gained political support in the USA and military assistance of Libya who supplied large amounts of weaponry and explosives, (purchased using £3m, the spoils of bank robberies and kidnappings.)

In 1979 the Tory Party, under the leadership of Margaret Thatcher, took control of Westminster and adopted a hard-line policy against Sinn Fein/IRA .

In May 1980 on the day she was due to meet with Charles Haughey, to discuss the future of Northern Ireland, Thatcher announced in Parliament that “the future of the constitutional affairs of Northern Ireland is a matter for the people of Northern Ireland, this government, this parliament, and no-one else”. Thus setting the tone for the discussions which achieved nothing.

Thatcher’s mettle was tested again in 1981, when on 1 March a number of Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) and Irish National Liberation Army prisoners in Northern Ireland’s Maze Prison went on hunger strike to regain the status of political prisoners, which had been revoked five years earlier under the Labour government.

On 5 March 1981, the nationalist MP for Fermanagh/South Tyrone, Frank Maguire, died creating the need for a by-election and on 9 April 1981, after 40 days on hunger strike, Bobby Sands ran for the vacant Westminster seat from his cell and won gaining Sinn Fein worldwide support and significant financial contributions.

Thatcher continued to refuse a return to political status for republican prisoners, declaring “Crime is crime is crime; it is not political” and Bobby Sands died of starvation few weeks later. Still she would not relent and nine more men died.

Rights were finally restored to paramilitary prisoners, but recognition of their political status was not granted. She later asserted: “The outcome was a significant defeat for the IRA.” In all, ten men died.

Thatcher’s determination to face-down the hunger strikers, against strident international opinion, sent a message to Gerry Adam’s that the British intended to remain in Ireland.

Sinn Féin, boosted by the election of the hunger strikers entered into politics in the North in 1981 and contested seats for the Northern Ireland Assembly in 1982 on an abstentionist ticket.

Results were encouraging. The Party polled around 65,000 votes making deep inroads taking votes away from the long established SDLP.

In the June 1983 Westminster election, Gerry Adams’s stood as the candidate for Sinn Fein and won West Belfast. In his acceptance speech he said that Sinn Féin’s longer-term objectives (beyond 1985) was to “become the majority nationalist party in the North” and to make considerable political inroads in the 26 counties of the Republic.

The Republican Movement had finally demonstrated that it could fight an armed struggle and win elections at the same time. Most importantly they proved beyond doubt that they had a mandate acceptable to the electorate.

The gap between Sinn Fein and the SDLP also closed significantly. Sinn Féin got 102,601 votes and the SDLP, 137,012.

The cumulative results shocked politicians and provided impetus to the UK and Irish Governments to conclude the Anglo-Irish Agreement.

Gerry Adams Statement to the Speaker of the House of Commons:

“My party holds a policy of abstentionism when it comes to the House of Commons. We believe the interests of the Irish people can only be served by democratic institutions in Ireland, not in Westminster. I will not swear an oath of allegiance to the Queen. In adhering to this statement we are fulfilling the wishes of the electorate that sent us here.”

The Speaker’s reply:

“I understand your position. You will not be permitted to attend the House of Commons or participate in debates until you have complied with all requirements of this house. In recognition of your electorate’s wishes you will be afforded office space, an allowance for living accommodation and unrestricted use of the full facilities of Westminster, including allowances for the costs of staff, offices, and travel.”

Unfortunately on 17 December 1983, just as a dialogue with Unionist politicians was being established the IRA (acting out with the authority of Sinn Fein) placed a bomb in Harrods of London. There was confusion over the content and length of warning of the bomb and it exploded in the midst of Christmas shoppers, killing 8 people and injuring 80. The bombing was condemned by public opinion in the UK and Republic of Ireland and resulted in the cancellation of a political dialogue

Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness were furious and convened an urgent meeting with the IRA Army Council at which, with the support of the “Falls Road Think Tank”: Danny Morrison, Richard McCauley, Joe Austin, Tom Hartley, Alex Maskey, Paddy Doherty and Vincent Conlon, they re-established control by retiring a number of high ranking officers and local commanders.

There remained unfinished business with Thatcher and the Tory Party who would be made to pay for the deaths of the hunger strikers. In the early morning of 12 October 1984, the day before her 59th birthday, Thatcher escaped injury in the Brighton hotel bombing during the Conservative Party Conference. Five people were killed and many injured.

The attack was the prelude to another IRA bombing campaign, but with a major change of tactics. Attacks on Military and political targets would continue but the main thrust would be to damage the British economy and cause severe disruption through the destruction of infrastructure and commercial targets in England. This would put pressure on the British government to negotiate a withdrawal from Northern Ireland.

In February 1991 the IRA launched a mortar attack on 10 Downing Street, the official residence and office of the British Prime Minister, as John Major, then Prime Minister, was holding a Cabinet meeting. The mortars narrowly missed the building and there were no casualties.

In April 1992, the IRA detonated a powerful truck bomb in the Baltic Exchange bombing in the City of London, the UK’s main financial district. The blast killed three people and caused £800m worth of damage, more than the total damage caused by all IRA bombings before it.

In November 1992, the IRA planted a large van bomb at Canary Wharf, London’s second financial district. Security guards discovered it and immediately alerted the police and the bomb was defused.

In April 1993, the IRA detonated another powerful truck bomb in the City of London killing one person and causing £500m worth of damage.

In December 1993 the British and Irish governments issued the Downing Street Declaration accepting the right of Sinn Fein to contribute to peace negotiations, provided the IRA committed to a ceasefire, which it did in August 1994.

By 1996, the Tory Government lost its majority and had become dependant on Ulster unionist votes to stay in power. Irish nationalists accused it of pro-unionist bias as a result.

The government began insisting that the IRA must fully disarm before Sinn Féin would be allowed to take part in fully-fledged peace talks. Arguing that the IRA could use violence, or the threat of violence, to influence negotiations.

On 23 January 1996, the international commission for disarmament in Northern Ireland recommended that Britain drop its demand, suggesting that disarmament begin during talks rather than before. The British government refused to drop its demand. Responding to the commission, Major said in parliament that, for there to be talks, either the IRA would have to disarm or there would have to be an election in Northern Ireland. Irish republicans and nationalists wanted talks to begin swiftly, but noted that it would take months to organize and hold an election.

Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams argued that the British government and unionists were erecting “one obstacle after another to frustrate every attempt to sit down around the negotiating table” and warned American diplomats that the British government’s actions were “threatening the ceasefire”.

Th intransigence of the British Government infuriated the IRA Army Council who said this was one concession too much and a betrayal of the terms of the negotiations that had been previously agreed. Discussions foundered.

In an attempt to break the impasse, the British and Irish governments created an international decommissioning body, chaired by former US Senator George Mitchell. This was part of a ‘twin-track’ approach, with decommissioning to accompany political talks rather than precede them. Mitchell delivered his report in January 1996, setting out six principles that should be endorsed by all parties to the talks. This included a commitment to exclusively peaceful means. Mitchell recommended that all parties should sign up to these principles and that some decommissioning could take place during the talks. However, this was not enough to prevent the slide back to violence.

On 9 February 1996, the IRA released a statement announcing the end of its ceasefire. Two hours later a flatbed truck bomb detonated in the London Docklands, killing two and injuring nearly 100 people. Damage to buildings was widespread and estimated repair costs were put at £150m.

On Saturday 15 June 1996 the IRA followed up the attack when a truck packed with 1500kg of Semtex and combustible ammonium nitrate fertiliser, (the largest bomb of the campaign) was exploded in Manchester. The IRA gave a one hour warning allowing the area to be cleared of shoppers. There were no deaths but 212 people suffered injury. The explosion caused around £1bn of damage and destroyed the commercial heart of Manchester.

The 1 May 1997 election landslide of the Labour Government proved to be the catalyst for change since it provided Blair with the opportunity to deal with the Northern Ireland problem without the constraints of the Unionist politicians of Northern Ireland.

The IRA renewed its ceasefire on 20 July 1997, opening the way for Sinn Féin to be included in the inter-party talks that had begun under Mitchell’s chairmanship. The question of decommissioning remained though, and the British and Irish governments sought to fudge the issue rather than allow it to derail the process again.

This led to Ian Paisley’s hard-line Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) walking out of the talks, never to return. The DUP rejected the notion of making any concessions on the constitutional position of Northern Ireland or negotiating with Sinn Féin, whom they considered terrorists.

While deeply unhappy, the more moderate UUP remained in the talks. Given the DUP’s declared desire to break the talks, Mitchell wrote later in his memoirs that their decision to walk out actually helped the process of reaching an agreement. However, it was to have a lasting impact on the politics of Northern Ireland, as the DUP’s opposition to the Good Friday Agreement severely hindered its implementation.

Sinn Féin entered the all-party talks on 15 September 1997, having signed-up to the Mitchell Principles and after marathon negotiations, agreement was finally reached on 10 April 1998.

The Good Friday Agreement was a complex balancing act, reflecting the three strands approach. Within Northern Ireland, it created a new devolved assembly for Northern Ireland, with a requirement that executive power had to be shared by parties representing the two communities. In addition, a new North-South Ministerial Council was to be established, institutionalising the link between the two parts of Ireland.

The Irish government also committed to amending Articles 2 and 3 of the Republic’s Constitution, which laid claim to Northern Ireland, to instead reflect an aspiration to Irish unity, through purely democratic means, while recognising the diversity of identities and traditions in Ireland.

Finally, a Council of the Isles was to be created, recognising the ‘totality of relationships’ within the British Isles, including representatives of the two governments, and the devolved institutions in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland.

Referendums were held in both Northern Ireland and Republic of Ireland on 22 May 1998. In Northern Ireland 71 per cent of voters backed the Agreement, with 29 per cent voting against. While this was a significant endorsement, an exit poll for the Sunday Times found that 96 per cent of nationalists in Northern Ireland backed the Agreement, compared to just 55 per cent of unionists.

On 15 August 1998, 29 people were killed when dissident republicans exploded a car bomb in Omagh. This represented the largest loss of life in any incident in Northern Ireland since the start of the Troubles.

While the Omagh bombing was committed by republicans opposed to the Agreement, it returned the spotlight to the question of decommissioning paramilitary weapons, which the Good Friday Agreement had stated should happen within two years. Unionist anger at the refusal of the IRA to give up its weapons was combined with frustration at the refusal of Sinn Féin to accept the reformed Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI).

Power-sharing proved impossible to sustain and voters in each community started to turn away from the moderate parties giving their support to Sinn Féin and the DUP, displacing the SDLP and UUP.

For a significant part of the decade following the Good Friday Agreement, devolution was suspended because of the inability of the largest parties from each community to reach agreement on power-sharing.

Progress was made on decommissioning, which was confirmed to have been carried out in September 2005, but political agreement remained elusive.

Eventually, the British and Irish governments hosted crunch talks at St Andrews in October 2006. There, Sinn Féin finally agreed to accept the PSNI, while the DUP agreed to share power with Sinn Féin.

In May 2007, an Executive comprised of the DUP, Sinn Féin, UUP and SDLP was finally able to take office. This time, the institutions created under the Good Friday Agreement remained in place until the current political crisis led to the collapse of the Executive in January 2017.

Despite the fragility of the institutions created and the continuing bitterness between politicians representing the two communities, the Good Friday Agreement remains an important landmark in Northern Ireland’s history.

The Good Friday Agreement was able to bring to an end 30 years of violence allowing Northern Ireland’s two communities to pursue their contrasting aspirations by purely political means.

At 2015 Northern Ireland elected 8 Sinn Fein MP’s to Westminster all committed to the abstentionism policy which prevents participation in any of the activities in the House of Commons.

But the power and influence of Sinn Fein is progressing well in Northern Ireland and in the Republic and the heady ambition of reuniting all of the people of the island of Ireland under one parliament is very much on the horizon. The Abstentionism policy has been vindicated.

Content largely extracted and paraphrased from The LONG WAR: The IRA & SINN FÉIN’ authored by Brendan O’Brien (1999)

 

 

 

Rape Crisis Scotland

Sandy Brindley and her staff have been at the forefront of the organisation for many years and are to be commended for the work they do supporting victims of rape and abuse, very often in very difficult circumstances.

But the relentless increase in the incidence of rape, sexual assault and complexity of the work has stretched the organisation well beyond its capacity and this has resulted in a growing backlog of cases in which the aggrieved person has yet to be provided with aid or assistance.

According to a 2014 Fundamental Rights Agency survey, one in three women in the EU experienced physical and/or sexual violence from the age of 15. 55% of women have been confronted with one or more forms of sexual harassment (11% have been subjected to cyber harassment). One in twenty have been raped.

Violence against the person, of any nature is abhorrent and perpetrators should be subject to prosecution and penal incarceration, if found guilty by a jury. But the final decision whether to proceed to prosecution or some other remedy should remain with the complainant, (not the police).

Attention should be given to the adverse impact on the health and well being of someone who has suffered sexual and/or domestic abuse and systems should be in place providing emotional, social, spiritual, legal support, guidance and provision of legal aid allowing the complainant access to a barrister of choice.

The Istanbul Convention on Violence Against Women and Girls, adopted by the Council of Europe in 2011 and ratified by the EU in June 2017 should be ratified and implemented by the Scottish Government without further delay.

Scottish Rape Crisis and similar support organisations should be merged and regrouped under one banner discontinuing the need for organisations to canvas Scots or plead for Lottery funding to finance the good works they do and to this end the Scottish Government should ensure that the Convention is properly implemented and enforced through the allocation of funding and human resources and the provision of appropriate training for case workers and other professions dealing with victims.

 

 

 

 

Jan 2019: Sociology student Adnan Ahmed was the subject of a nationwide media scandal

Adnan was a Criminal Justice Practitioner for Turning Point focusing on human/men’s rights. His job was supporting ex-cons and drug addicts to reform and integrate into society. He was planning to study criminology for a BA (Hons) in Criminology (at Abertay university in Dundee). in his 4th year.

In his 1st year he gained an HNC in Social Services (at the City of Glasgow college). In his 2nd he gained an HND in Additional Support Needs (at Glasgow Clyde college). At the time of his arrest he was half-way through his 3rd doing a BA in Learning Difficulties/Disabilities (between Fife college and Abertay university).

He also gained a BA in Business Studies (From Glasgow Caledonian University) and in his own time he produced a blog through which he taught a mix of mindfulness and human behaviour.

No complaints had ever been registered against Ahmed until a “BBC Social” video was aired on national television portraying him as a sexual deviant who sexually harassed women on the streets of Glasgow and other places creating a media backlash against him.

In his defence Ahmed said that all of his approaches were made and videoed, in the daytime on busy streets and in well populated areas, there was nothing sinister or hidden. Interactions were limited to less than 10 minutes and at no time were women made to feel comfortable or with the aim of exchanging contact details.

It was his experience that daytime dating was a safe way to talk to females. Men do the same thing in night-clubs, often under the influence of alcohol and this is deemed to be socially acceptable.

Initially the police said there was no criminal behaviour but the public was misled into thinking Ahmed’s conduct was criminal and he was accused of being a sexual predator on social media and in the newspapers.

The police canvassed for complainants after an MSP and Rape Crisis Scotland got involved, through the placement of a “Me2” type incident report number in the national press

Those that came forward with complaints did so after colluding and speaking to each other on Twitter and Facebook feeds, and through contact with the BBC.

They were further encouraged by an American social media troll,  who fuelled the unsubstantiated allegations through a number of fake social media accounts he maintained for the express purpose of adding credibility to the mischief.

Sandy Brinkley

 

Sandy Brinkley – Rape Crisis Scotland – Exerts her Power

Brindley from Rape Crisis Scotland, took it upon herself to approach the police with concerns about the predatory behaviour of Ahmed. A man who had never raped anyone, nor had ever been accused or linked with a horrible word like rape.

Even after viewing Ahmed’s online “game” videos it was clear that he was simply having short flirty conversations with females who were willing participants, ending at most, with an exchange of contact details.

The real predatory stalker behaviour was displayed by Brindley who contacted the police, seeking to justify the existence of the Scottish Government funded quango, “Rape Crisis Scotland”.

Ahmed was not the inventor of online YouTube dating videos, which is a global concept, especially in Western nations.

Social media uploads from massive multi-million pound dating companies occur daily and Ahmed’s videos were tame compared to his counterparts in London and the States.

Brindley’s over reaction exposed the venom within “Rape Crisis Scotland” when compared to open-minded independent thinking women in London and the U.S.A who view the practice as a non-issue.

Brindley’s misogyny is not a crime but to publicly state “I think a number of behaviours shown in the videos were arguably caught by criminal law,” is utter nonsense.

But Brindley was right about one thing – misogyny is not a crime, but labelling an innocent man misogynist (when he was clearly not) was slander and reporting it to the police was an act of malice unbecoming of a Scottish Government funded organization.

 

Jan 2019: BBC Investigation Production Aired

Journalists, pursuing a sleaze story, hounded Ahmed for months forcing him to reach out to them responding with a detailed explanation of his business model and background to his client base as well as the scientific reasoning behind this method of face-to-face daytime speed dating.

They ignored his explanation preferring to warp his responses creating controversy demonising an innocent man.

BBC-The Social’s video went viral on the internet prompting Police Scotland to issue a statement saying “we cannot follow up on this as there is no actual crime to investigate, no crime has been committed.”

But they were forced to change their tune in response to a public witch hunt generated by the BBC portrayal of Adnan Ahmed as a demonic sexual predator.

It was truly bizarre and shocking that Scotland’s police force could be manipulated so easily. They were fully aware of Ahmed’s dating business nearly 3 years before the BBC The Social’s hate fuelled video falsely demonised him. Indeed they spoke to Mr Ahmed about it on a number of occasions in casual conversation and both male and female officers approved of it. There are phone calls and written police reports to confirm this.

Ahmed also worked extensively in conjunction with the police in his job as a Criminal Justice Practitioner. His behaviour was never “predatory”. He ran an online dating business on YouTube for all to see. His clients, video demonstrations and spontaneous conversations with women were conducted in daytime, on well populated busy city centre streets. He hid nothing, so how could his actions be described as predatory, shameful or dangerous?

Police Scotland are mandated to investigate matters neutrally and without prejudice. Instead they contributed to the media mayhem by making comments defaming a man who although innocent of any crime was arrested and charged with 18 incidents of “threatening and abusive behaviour.” He was then held in custody, untried and without the option of bail.

13 charges were subsequently dropped but the prosecutor pursued 5 charges, via a Scottish legal technicality called Moorov’s Law, knowing the jury were heavily influenced by the widespread negative press (radio, TV, newspapers, internet) against Ahmed before and every day of his trial.

The Sheriff Court indictment was framed to convict Ahmed on a technicality of Scottish Law (Moorov/ corroboration) rather than using substantial hard evidence, because there was none.

 

Moorov’s Law

The importance of corroboration is unique to Scots criminal law. The requirement for corroborating evidence means at least two different and independent sources of evidence are required in support of each crucial fact before a defendant can be convicted of a crime.

Corroboration is required in Scots law as the evidence of a single witness, however credible, is not sufficient to prove a charge against an accused or to establish any material or crucial fact. There are two prime facts that are deemed to be crucial; the first being that the crime was committed and the second being that it was committed by the accused. Crucial facts must be proven beyond reasonable doubt by corroborative evidence.

The Moorov doctrine is a doctrine that deals with similar faulty evidence in Scots law, arising from the case of Moorov v HM Advocate in 1930. The Moorov doctrine is used where a series of supposed crimes have been committed and are closely linked by time, character, circumstance and place of commission as to constitute a course of conduct by the accused. The accused must be positively identified in each case. There may only be one witness to each individual crime who can identify the accused but where the offences are sufficiently similar the witness for one offence can corroborate the account of a witness for another offence. A legal technicality which is being abused by corrupt Scottish judges and the police.

 

2019: Glasgow Sherriff Court

Ahmed was not permitted to present vital evidence proving his innocence because Scottish court laws protect prosecution witnesses, even if they are lying.

The worst part is that the Scottish Justice System is designed in such a way that females who make false accusations face limited punishment for their lies, if there are any legal repercussions at all.

Ahmed was found guilty in a jury trial and given a two-year custodial sentence and placed on the Sex Offenders Register for ten years.

Sep 2019: Ahmed’s defence team lodged an appeal stating that their client had been denied a fair and impartial trial.

One year later, in September 2020 Ahmed’s legal team told the appeal court that Sheriff Wood had conducted an inappropriate cross-examination of Ahmed when he finished giving evidence and that he failed to properly explain the rules of corroboration to jurors in the case and he was wrong when he rejected a defence motion to have some of the charges thrown out on the basis that there was insufficient evidence to allow jurors to return guilty verdicts. In his report to the appeal court, Sheriff Wood said he believed there was enough evidence on these charges to be considered by the jurors.

The appeal court disagreed and said the evidence did not show Ahmed to be guilty of threatening behaviour. Lord Turnbull – who delivered the judgement, wrote:

“It does not seem to us that a polite conversational request or complement can be construed as threatening merely because it is uninvited or unwelcome and there was nothing in the appellant’s behaviour as spoken to by the complainers in charges 5, 6 and 18 which was overtly threatening or which could reasonably be construed as threatening. There was nothing in the appellant’s conduct in the city centre encounter as spoken to by the complainer in charge 16 which constituted threatening behaviour. He told her that she looked like Kim Kardashian, which the witness described as a compliment, although she asked him if he was joking. He subsequently sent her a text which was abusive. This was the only aspect of this charge which could have constituted an offence. In these circumstances we are satisfied that the doctrine of mutual corroboration would not have been available as between charge 4 and this aspect of charge 16. Accordingly, we are also persuaded that the sheriff erred in failing to give effect to the no case to answer submissions presented on the appellant’s behalf in respect of these charges also. In the present case counsel was correct to object to the sheriff’s questioning when she did. The exercise which the sheriff was engaged in had already lacked any element of clarification and at the point when she rose to her feet the sheriff appeared to be in the process of arguing with the appellant. It is unacceptable for a judicial office holder to address a responsible practitioner by telling her to sit down. Such behaviour carries the risk of demeaning the standing of the judiciary in the eyes of both the legal profession and of the public.” Ahmed was officially acquitted.

Comment:

The Scottish legal system thoroughly crushes any sane notion of justice under the weight of legal loopholes and strategies exploited by radical feminist politicians and “Rape Crisis Scotland” who shamelessly exploit vulnerable women in their constant posturing for the media. And the public are unconsciously making things worse because of its apparent contentment with a social media cultural circus!

This is a brief summary of the report of a miscarriage of justice perpetrated by the BBC, Scottish media, Rape Crisis Scotland and their Government sponsored organisations against Glaswegian, sociology student, Ahmed. The original article (a must read) was first published at https://www.addyagame.com)

 

 

Corbyn rewarded for thirty years of honest endeavour

In 2010, the financial crisis, brought ended thirteen years of a Labour Government. In 2015, under the “wishy washy” leadership of Ed Miliband, Labour lost again. Miliband resigned triggering a Leadership election. Three former members of Miliband’s shadow cabinet were regarded as front runners and entered the race.

Jeremy Corbyn lodged his application near to the closing date for applications and many doubted he would be able to gain the support of  the 35 MP’s needed to be included in the ballot.  He upset the odds when he gathered 36 nominations.

Standing on a platform of “socialism” his message was dismissed as irrelevant by his opponents, Party insiders and the press and media. Odds of 100/1 were available at the bookies for anyone foolish with their money.

But the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) and others misjudged the mood of the nation, following 5 years of austerity under a coalition government and that the election of the new leader would not be a decision for (PLP) to make. The Party membership would decide the outcome of the election.

Corbyn was in his element and addressed nearly one hundred rallies across the UK, speaking to ever increasing crowds each time.

Hundreds of thousands of Labour supporters were inspired by his vision of a socialist Government.

Former party members driven out by New Labour’s neo-capitalist policies and first time voters joined the Party increasing the membership from two hundred thousand to five hundred and fifty thousand in a period of less than six months.

He was duly declared Party Leader having gained an unprecedented 59.5 % of the vote, a larger mandate than any recent leader. But ominously, of two hundred and thirty Labour M.P.s only twenty voted for Corbyn.

The right wing press and media, spurred on by (PLP) members failed to support the Party and spread false rumours of coups to topple Corbyn.  But the plotting failed due to the support of Corbyn by the Labour membership.

Lord “Prince of Darkness” Mandelson, one of Blair’s closest advisers and an architect of New Labour remarked, “we are in a situation now where Corbyn is unelectable in the country but unassailable in the Party.”

But not long after, the shadow “Blairite” cabinet appointed by “peacemaker” Corbyn resigned, forcing yet another election on the membership, which the (PLP) tried to rig, only to be thwarted once again by Party members who returned Corbyn to office.

Having failed a second time the (PLP) started a character assassination campaign to overthrow him. When this tactic failed they cut a deal with the Israeli Government Lobby, the (JLM) and with their assistance and financial backing orchestrated an Anti-Semitism campaign against Jeremy Corbyn and the Labour Party.

The Jewish Labour Movement(JLM) Link up with Parliamentary labour Party (PLP) MP’s to overthrow Corbyn

The Israeli Government psychological warfare campaign against the Labour Party leader included the widespread use of an internet application containing instructions for social media users on how to contribute to the “mission” accusing Corbyn of anti-Semitism.

One such allegation falsely accused Corbyn, in a 2010 meeting, of comparing Israel to Nazi Germany. The truth was that Corbyn had hosted a meeting with Hajo Meyer, titled “Never Again For Anyone”, and it was Hajo, a survivor of the Auschwitz concentration camp and a fervent anti-Zionist who raised the comparison of Israel and Nazi Germany in his condemnation of the Israeli Government’s behaviour and his strongly held views in support of Palestinian rights. He once said of Zionist’s: “An Anti-Semite used to be someone who doesn’t like Jews, now it’s someone who Zionists don’t like”.

Read his moving story here. (https://electronicintifada.net/blogs/adri-nieuwhof/how-israel-lobby-attacked-auschwitz-survivor-smear-corbyn)

Another post invited Facebook users to click “like” to user “Nancy Saada’s” criticism of Corbyn’s “anti-Israeli” remarks which she claimed were used to disguise “anti-Semitism”. But the ploy fell flat when a photograph was published of an Israeli army uniformed “Nancy” posing on an armoured vehicle, draped with an Israeli flag.

The Act.IL application is a product of Israel’s Strategic Affairs Ministry, the organisation that directs Israel’s covert sabotage efforts of any opponent of Israel in the world. At its head is a top civil servant and former army intelligence officer whose organisation is staffed by veterans of various spy agencies.

The so called “mission” is yet more evidence of the Israeli psychological warfare campaign and is an aspect of part of long-term behaviour planning influencing operations by Israel and its lobby groups to smear Corbyn as “institutionally anti-Semitic.”

The operation was also aimed at pushing Labour to adopt and maintain a more pro-Israel policy aided by a number of Jewish MP’s in the Labour Party, the overall numbers of which significantly outweigh the Jewish population in the UK. And other MP’s, not of Jewish descent who join Jewish political lobby support groups in the Labour Party.

The Jewish Labour Movement, (JLM) is an anti-Palestinian group, deeply linked to the Israeli Government, and was at the forefront of the campaign to discredit Corbyn.

The group is run by former Israeli embassy officer, Ella Rose who admitted that as the (JLM) Director, she maintained close personal and working links to Shai Masot, the Israeli embassy spy forced to leave the UK after the Al Jazeera investigation exposed him plotting to “take down” a senior UK government minister.

Masot was also spearheading efforts to manufacture a grassroots pro-Israel organization within the Labour Party by infiltrating the Young Labour group using a tactic known as astroturfing. ( More on the Act.IL App here: (https://medium.com/dfrlab/how-a-political-astroturfing-app-coordinates-pro-israel-influence-operations-bf1104fa5c7f)

 

 

Jewish Labour Movement (JLM) force demands on Jeremy Corbyn.

Adam Langleben, (JLM) campaigns officer, issued Corbyn a list of demands including a requirement that Labour adopt “unamended”, the controversial “International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) a definition of anti-Semitism which would define it as anti-Semitic to accurately describe the Israeli state as a “racist endeavour.”

Corbyn, instead of shutting down the claims as the bad faith attacks that they clearly were continued with his strategy of concession after concession and in return, offered a “dialogue with community organizations, including the (JLM) to discuss their demand that the (IHRA) document be adopted in full, even, as he acknowledged that some of its provisions had “been used by those wanting to restrict criticism of Israel that is not anti-Semitic.” This fuelled further attacks and compromised his position on important matters of principle, such as the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement for Palestinian rights (BDS).

It is also unclear just what Corbyn hoped to achieve in “dialogue” with a group with close ties to a foreign power, hostile to himself and his Party and committed to manipulating his Party members against his leadership, from within.

Unsurprisingly, the (JLM) curtly dismissed Corbyn’s opinion piece as “another article bemoaning a situation.” and followed up saying:

“These measures would have been welcomed, and maybe even celebrated, two years ago, but matters have reached the point of no return. Decisive and significant actions, not words, are the only thing that can bring us back from the brink.”

Just what the actions required by the (JLM) were, is left unsaid, but subsequent events indicate they meant the removal of Jeremy Corbyn from office.

 

 

 

 

2017: Mandelson the malevolent sticks his knife into the back of his Party Leader

Blair and Brown loyalist Mandelson is a vociferous critic of Jeremy Corbyn and has been since he first won the top job in the Autumn of 2015 (confirmed in a second election by party members less than 2 years later) and his utterance: “I am is working every single day to bring to an end to Corbyn’s leadership” was unsurprising.

Corbyn supporters responded with a strongly worded statement: “The very thought of Jeremy Corbyn as Prime Minister of a Labour Government implementing policies beneficial to the people absolutely petrifies Mandelson, Blair, Brown and their Labour Left colleagues whose policies brought the country to its knees incurring debts so large that many future generations will be subject to austerity policies reducing their quality of life, health and wellbeing.”

In the 2017 General Election a few months later the Labour Party made a net gain of 30 seats with 40.0% (its highest vote share since 2001 and the first time the party had gained seats since 1997).

But the Tory party was returned to power with a much reduced majority, despite a net loss of 13 seats.

It is a fact that had the Labour Party, moderate centre-left candidates supported Corbyn, Labour would have won the election by a small working majority.

In naively trusting that the Parliamentary Labour Party would set aside their differences in policy matters, accept his leadership and support him and his shadow front bench team he suffered badly in the fallout from losing the election and left himself vulnerable to attack from the moderate centre-left.

In retrospect he should have castrated the moderate-left and their supporters well before the election, starting with:

* Deselecting the 184 labour MPs who did not vote against the 2015 Tory welfare bill that contributed to a massive increase in homelessness and poverty such as food banks. A policy which did not adhere to labour values of defending the weak and oppressed.

* Deselecting those MP’s who failed to oppose the 2014 racist, Tory migration bill (only 6 labour MPs including Corbyn voted against) that removed the presumption of indefinite right to remain for “Windrush” migrants that in many cases lived here nearly all their lives and medical treatment for some migrants. (1)

* Removing Party membership from Labour MP’s that voted for intervention in Syria or for the Iraq war. Wars of aggression are not compatible with labour values.

(1). The lack of opposition within the labour party to the 2014 migration bill also gave credence to those that hold the view that the attacks on Corbyn’s leadership, on the grounds that he failed to deal with racism were contrived by those seeking personal advancement and a return to a more relaxed financial regime, as only six labour MPs, including Corbyn, can credibly claim to be genuinely interested in race issues.

 

2018: Labour Peer Mandelson, former minister in a centre-left government, accused Jeremy Corbyn and his Trades Union supporters of trying to exclude the centre-left from power, saying “throughout our history, it has been moderate-led centre left governments that have delivered radical change in our country, to redistribute power, wealth and opportunity to people, starting with the government of Attlee, Morrison, Bevin and Bevan after the second world war.”

But truth be told it was a large group of disloyal centre-left MP’s, including Mandelson who, only 18 months after his appointment forced a second party leadership election on members whose response was to return Corbyn to office with a much increased majority.

Yet still the centre-left politicians and activists routinely briefed and plotted his downfall and removal from office.

Picking up on Mandelson’s proud claims of the achievements of the last centre-left Labour Government.

This would be the Government that presided over increasing levels of inequality within society through the introduction of punitive measures designed to reduce welfare support to the least able members of society.

Those that were around at that time will remember the centre-left misnamed proclamation of the “new deal” which delivered policies including:

* The centralized control of wage levels through the extension of means testing and tax credits combined with a very low minimum wage.

* The introduction of “work capability assessments” which drove many to attempt suicide.

* The legislation, reducing or removing many disability benefits.

* The high levels of debt permanently transferred to the public through the cheap sale and expensive leaseback (PFI) of the nations capital assets.

* The failure to re-regulate the Tory deregulated financial sector on taking over government and Brown’s stubborn refusal to reverse deregulation despite the 2007/8 financial crisis.

* The condoning of illegal money laundering, through the City of London Financial markets, of Russian Mafia billions.

* The adoption of a foreign policy giving unqualified support to US imperialism engaging in illegal wars of aggression destabilising Eastern Europe and the Middle East for future generations further deepening the widespread hatred of the West from many centuries of imperialism.

2018 Mandelson stepped up the campaign to get rid of Corbyn by hosting a barbecue for centre-left MPs at his home.

The event, held in July 2018, was dubbed the “barbecue boys meeting” and was arranged subsequent to a meeting between Mandelson and Tom Watson following which they joined forces and discussed how to ramp up pressure on Corbyn over the summer, taking back control of the Party amid growing splits on Brexit and claims of a spiralling anti-Semitism crisis and/or the prospects of starting a new one.

Those present did not deny there were political discussions, one added: “It was more about saving Labour than setting up a new party and it was made clear that the meeting, invitees and conversation was not to be leaked.”

Watson later denied he was involved in any plotting, and said: “My kids and I spent much of the occasion playing with Peter’s two wonderful dogs, Jock and Poppy, which would have been far more interesting than idle gossip from the other attendees.”

 

 

Not long after, following a public airing by the BBC of televised footage of Corbyn’s attendance at a wreath-laying ceremony for Palestinians over sixty Labour lords, including Mandelson, signed an unprecedented newspaper advertisement portraying Corbyn as soft on anti-Semitism, it read:

“The Labour Party welcomes everyone* irrespective of race, creed, age, gender identity, or sexual orientation. (*except, it seems, Jews).  Corbyn, You have failed to defend our party’s anti-racist values. You have therefore failed the test of leadership.”

The statement echoed the views of eight Labour centre-left MP’s who resigned the Party whip earlier in the year over claims of anti-Semitism and Corbyn’s position on Brexit, a move that angered many centre-left members who wanted Labour to adopt an unequivocal pro-European Union position.

Corbyn hit back with the statement:

“The Labour Party under my leadership totally opposes racism in any form whatsoever. Anti-Semitism has no place in our society, no place in any of our Political Party’s and no place in any of our dialogue. But neither does any other form of racism.”

And a Labour spokesperson later said the party under Corbyn’s leadership stood:

“In solidarity with Jewish people and is fully committed to the support, defence and celebration of the Jewish community. False and misleading claims, hostile to Jeremy, are being orchestrated by politically influential individuals within the Party whose policies in government previously failed the electorate. This powerful group of disloyal Party members is interested only in achieving control so that they can fulfil agendas dictated by persons out with the Party and not to do good things for the voter.”

 

But the relentless assault on Corbyn was stepped up by centre-left politicians of the Parliamentary Labour Party and their supporters who continued to attack Corbyn’s for failing to address anti-Semitism within the Party and their demand that facts and figures be produced supporting their allegations of widespread and ever growing incidences of antisemitism within the Party.

The information was produced but it did not support their claims of institutional anti-Semitism. The facts:

* 1,100 (approx.) complaints were lodged between April 2018 and January 2019.

* 433 (nearly 40 per cent) were found to relate to non-Labour Party members.

* 673 were investigated.

* 220 were dismissed on the grounds that there was no case to answer since the claims were found to be wildly exaggerated or vexatious.

* 44 members quit Labour while their hearing was pending suggesting that the Labour Party was not a hospitable or comfortable place for anti-Semites. They knew they would be found out and they jumped before being pushed.

* 439 were investigated and this resulted in a number of suspensions and/or written warnings. Twelve members were expelled. A further twenty four are still under investigation or appeal.

Party membership, at the time was approximately 550,000, so the figures represent around 0.07% of the membership.

Parliamentary Labour Party centre-left agitators felt this was much too small a number of expulsions but investigators had heeded a recent report that recommended that re-education should be the preferred first resort and that expulsion should the last.

* Margaret Hodge, one of a number of centre-left senior figures in the Parliamentary Labour Party who actively pursued a crusade against Corbyn submitted 200 of the complaints which concerned one hundred and eleven people, of these ninety-one were not members of the Labour Party.

Hodge was one of those most responsible for false and exaggerated claims against the Labour Party over anti-Semitism. No surprise in that!! So much for the allegations of a Party in crisis.

 

 

 

 

Scottish Independence

The Westminster Government’s underhand decision to emasculate the government of Scotland through the establishment of a UK Government in Scotland presents new challenges for Scots whose ambitions for their country extend to a unilateral withdrawal from the 1707 Treaty of Union and full independence and Scottish supporters of the devolved Scottish Government and its limited powers, to be further reduced from January 2021 when Brexit is complete.

 

 

 

 

The Voting Power of the English Community in Scotland

There are around 450,000 English born people who have chosen to live their lives and raise their families in Scotland whose political and personal ties remain with the Union and in England.

This was evidenced in the 2014 referendum when a very significant majority of the faction voted to remain with the Union, thwarting the will of Scottish born Scots.

Any future independence referendum would be similarly adversely influenced by this generous retention of a full Scottish residency qualification.

 

 

 

 

Time to Get the Gloves Off

Measures need to be taken to negate the adverse influence of the English voting bloc in Scotland and should include extending the right to vote in Scottish referendums to any person born in Scotland who might be resident anywhere in the United Kingdom.

There are approximately 750,000 Scottish born people living in England, many through economic necessity brought about by anti-Scottish economic policies enacted by successive Westminster Governments.

The Scots in England are a potentially influential lobby group but they are ill-organized to exercise that power. There are lessons to be learned. Scottish politicking in England needs to change if independence is to become a reality and could be facilitated through one of the more prominent Scottish “Yes” groups who should formalize their presence in England through the political registration of the movement.

Nigel Farage motivated the electorate in England and Scotland around a single issue and formed a political party (UKIP). Is there a charismatic Scot ready to take the fight to England? What about Tommy Sheridan?

 

 

 

The Glasgow Commonwealth Games

This report formed part of an earlier post which in retrospect was overlong and had lost impact.

In December 2009 “Elite” civil servant Franseca Osowska was promoted to the role of Director for Culture, External Affairs, and Tourism with responsibility for developing Scotlands bid for the Commonwealth Games.

Promoted yet again in January 2013 she was appointed Director of the Commonwealth Games, a role requiring her to coordinate the work of a large team of senior officers, political figures, and civil servants (seconded to Scotland from London).

Through her links with the secretive “Common Purpose” networking organization, she recruited the “33Fifty” group, a team of young right-wing leaders of the future who participated in the policing of the games ensuring any display of the Saltire or singing of the Scottish anthem was snuffed out and guilty parties ejected from venues.

Talk about a police state. The Unionists even nobbled the games in their favour. All under the noses of Scots caught up in the Westminster civil service carefully manufactured hype.

She was rewarded with an OBE and her team of “Elite” civil servants from London were praised and awarded “Civil Service Certificates of Merit” in recognition of the long hours and their hard graft undermining the will of Scots to break free from the Union. And she would later tell the Scottish Affairs Committee that her team of “Elite” civil servants had acted entirely appropriately throughout 2014. A statement later exposed as a lie when the Civil Servants crowed to the English press about their undercover, illegal work in support of “Better Together”

The remit specific to herself was to regenerate the East End of Glasgow and to ensure the delivery of a lasting legacy for Scotland. This she duly did and for which in January 2015, she was awarded an OBE, for services to Government and the Commonwealth Games Committee in the Queen’s New Year’s Honours list.

Her sales pitch to the nation: https://www.surf.scot/scotregen/ensuring-a-lasting-legacy-from-2014-commonwealth-games-2/

 

Physical Fitness in the Community

A major selling point of the Games was the promise of a significant and sustained increase in physical activity within the community as residents flocked to and used the many new sports facilities available to them.

But a study completed four years after the games by “GoWell East” found the number of physically active locals had fallen from 62 percent in 2012 to just over 50 percent.

 

Regeneration

Halls and other facilities were demolished as part of the regeneration of the area and replaced with a sparkling new facility named the “Legacy Hub” which cost around £4m to build.

Four years on, plagued by corruption and malfeasance the “Hub” shut its doors. Another Commonwealth Games venture that had failed to deliver the much-vaunted “Games Legacy.”

Large areas of the Dalmarnock community housing estate were razed to the ground because they were considered to be unsightly and residents, in some cases were forcibly removed from their properties under compulsory purchase orders greatly undervaluing the housing.

Many residents were relocated to similar run down pre-war properties outwith Dalmarnock with some finding accommodation after the games in the new housing stock built to house the games athletes.

Four years on Dalmarnock is still an eyesore and as shabby and derelict is as it ever was.

Local residents complain that their community has lost its heart with the closure of just about all of its corner shops and other amenities.

The much-vaunted investment in the future had proved to be a crock of s**t.

A local councillor admitted the promised improvements had not materialized and the community was hopelessly split between residents of “old Dalmarnock” those of the new village (previously the athletes’ accommodation.)

Full story here:

Fraud – Corruption in Public Office – Glasgow’s Commonwealth Games Legacy

https://www.heraldscotland.com/news/14324335.glasgow-labour-councillor-behind-troubled-commonwealth-games-project-put-on-leaveamid-finance-probe/

Fraud – Corruption in Public Office – Glasgow’s Commonwealth Games Legacy

 

Improving the Lifestyle of Underprivileged Families

A key legacy of Glasgow 2014 was that thousands of mattresses, beds, wardrobes, chairs, and other furnishings from the athletes’ village was to be distributed to poor and vulnerable families.

The scheme was announced to great fanfare prompting a long list of social housing clients to sign up in the hope of transforming their homes with little-used items.

But the Glasgow Housing Association (GHA) charged with administering the scheme had to destroy many thousands of mattresses, wardrobes, bed frames, and chairs after dumping them in damp and filthy warehouses in Renfrew.

A source at the GHA said: “It is a disgrace that this has been allowed to happen. It highlights an almost unbelievable level of mismanagement on the part of the GHA bosses.

This equipment was supposed to be distributed to poor and vulnerable families after the Games, but instead, the vast bulk of it is completely unusable.

There is not a single item that I would have in my house as a result of the damage that has been caused, it is all infested.”

Full story here:
https://www.dailyrecord.co.uk/news/scottish-news/wasted-legacy-commonwealth-games-furniture-6263683

 

afternote: Francesca Osowska was promoted further and went on to work with David Mundell in a lead role with the UK Government of Scotland during and after the 2014 Independence Referendum. And that’s another story.

 

 

 

 

Francesca Osowska – The Early Years

Osowska was raised in Cumbria and privately schooled in her primary years but had to transfer to Wyndam Comprehensive to complete her secondary education.

She was an exemplary student who confounded critics of the local authority education system by achieving grades good enough to take her to Cambridge University where she gained an MA in Economics. A qualification to which she added an MA in European Economics from the College of Europe in Bruges.

In 1993 she joined the civil service as an economist and worked in the Employment Department in Sheffield for a time before taking up similar posts in London, Brussels, and Edinburgh, with the Scottish Office.

In 1998 she transferred her skills to mainstream civil service and joined the Scottish Office Education Department before going on to the Justice Department after which she was promoted Head of the Sports Department.

She took a long sabbatical from the Civil Service to pursue her love of athletics where her performances in the “Triathlon” and similar events were of the “Olympic” standard. A tough lady, she could run like the wind, swim like a fish, and cycle faster than a roadrunner. But injuries took their toll.

 

Principal Private Secretary (PPS) to Alex Salmond

She returned to the Civil Service and was fast-tracked by Westminster to the rank of “Elite” civil servant. This small group of civil servants pledges their allegiance to the Director of the Civil Service, who, reports to the Prime Minister and leads the Cabinet Office in London.

From then on, regardless of deployment, her loyalty was and still is to the “Elite” team and its leader. In 2007 she was installed as PPS to the First Minister, Alex Salmond, retaining the post until late 2009.

 

 

Osowska Takes a Dig at Alex Salmond

On 28 November 2017, only a few weeks after taking up the greatest challenge to her organizational abilities she elected to be interviewed by the Glasgow Herald and opened up with a negative assessment of her time as PPS to Alex Salmond from 2007-2009.

The reporter wrote:

“Francesca Osowska has some pretty big challenges to wrestle with, in her new job as chief executive of Scottish Natural Heritage. Should we reintroduce wolves and lynx to Scotland? Should the controversial culling of wild hares continue? Can we save the capercaillie? But none of the critical questions about Scotland’s iconic species quite compares to her days wrestling with one of the big beasts of politics. The former First Minister Alex Salmond. The subject of Salmond cropped up while Osowska and were talking about her impressive career in government and the civil service. Osowska has been, among other things, an economist at the Scottish Office, Director for the Commonwealth Games in Glasgow, and head of the UK Government in Scotland.

But when asked what the lowest point of her career was, she said it was her time as Principal Private Secretary to Alex Salmond. She then said she would need to be extra careful about what she said next and paused for a bit before saying:

“There were times when I was working as Principal Private Secretary to the former First Minister Alex Salmond which were challenging,” (with a heavy emphasis on the word challenge.) I would find myself at Bute House at midnight in front of my computer thinking oh s**t, how am going to resolve this by 8am? Long hours. Challenging issues.”

There’s no doubt that, after years in the civil service, Osowska is used to working in stressful environments at the highest levels. Indeed, if anything, her new post at Scottish Natural Heritage ramps up the stress even further. Full report here:

https://www.heraldscotland.com/life_style/15687702.alex-salmond-and-francesca-osowska-wrestling-with-politics-big-beast/

 

The Commonwealth Games

In December 2009 she was promoted to the role of Director for Culture, External Affairs, and Tourism with responsibility for developing Scotlands bid for the Commonwealth Games.

Her sales pitch: https://www.surf.scot/scotregen/ensuring-a-lasting-legacy-from-2014-commonwealth-games-2/

Her links to the secretive “Common Purpose” networking organization allowed her to create “33Fifty” a group of young right-wing leaders of the future who would later participate in the conduct of the games in partnership with the Royal Commonwealth Society.

Another promotion came her way in January 2013 when she was appointed to the post of Director for the Commonwealth Games.

In addition to coordinating the work of a large team of senior officers and political figures, with a multitude of skills and agendas she was given a specific remit to regenerate the East End of Glasgow and to ensure the delivery of a lasting legacy for Scotland.

This she duly did and for which in January 2015, she was awarded an OBE, for services to Government and the Commonwealth Games Committee in the Queen’s New Year’s Honours list.

 

 

The Commonwealth Games Legacy 2019

Regeneration and Physical Fitness

A major selling point of the Games was the promise of a significant and sustained increase in physical activity within the community as residents flocked to and used the many new sports facilities available to them.

But a study by “GoWell East” found the number of physically active locals had fallen from 62 percent in 2012 to just over 50 percent four years after the Games finished.

Halls and other facilities were demolished as part of the regeneration of the area and replaced with a sparkling new facility named the “Legacy Hub” which cost around £4m to build.

Four years on from the games, plagued by corruption and malfeasance the “Hub” shut its doors. Another Commonwealth Games venture that had failed to deliver the much-vaunted “Games Legacy.”

Full story here:

Fraud – Corruption in Public Office – Glasgow’s Commonwealth Games Legacy

https://www.heraldscotland.com/news/14324335.glasgow-labour-councillor-behind-troubled-commonwealth-games-project-put-on-leaveamid-finance-probe/

Fraud – Corruption in Public Office – Glasgow’s Commonwealth Games Legacy

Dalmarnock before the games

 

Same view four years after the games

 

Large areas of the Dalmarnock community housing estate were razed to the ground because they were unsightly and residents, in some cases were forcibly removed from their properties under compulsory purchase orders greatly undervaluing the housing.

Many residents were relocated to similar run down pre-war properties outwith Dalmarnock with some finding accommodation after the games in the new housing stock built to house the games athletes.

Four years on Dalmarnock is still an eyesore and as shabby and derelict is as it ever was. Local residents complain that their community has lost its heart with the closure of just about all of its corner shops and other amenities. The much-vaunted investment in the future had proved to be a crock of s**t.

A local councillor admitted the promised improvements had not materialized and the community was hopelessly split between residents of “old Dalmarnock” those of the new village (previously the athletes’ accommodation.)

 

 

Improving the Lifestyle of Underprivileged Families

A key legacy of Glasgow 2014 was that thousands of mattresses, beds, wardrobes, and chairs from the athletes’ village were to be distributed to poor and vulnerable families. The scheme was announced to great fanfare prompting a long list of social housing clients to sign up in the hope of transforming their homes with little-used items.

But the Glasgow Housing Association (GHA) charged with administering the scheme had to destroy many thousands of mattresses, wardrobes, bed frames, and chairs after dumping them in damp and filthy warehouses in Renfrew.

Full story here: https://www.dailyrecord.co.uk/news/scottish-news/wasted-legacy-commonwealth-games-furniture-6263683

A source at the GHA said: “It is a disgrace that this has been allowed to happen. It highlights an almost unbelievable level of mismanagement on the part of the GHA bosses. This equipment was supposed to be distributed to poor and vulnerable families after the Games, but instead, the vast bulk of it is completely unusable. There is not a single item that I would have in my house as a result of the damage that has been caused, it is all infested.”

 

Director Of The Office Of The UK Government Of Scotland

Her star continued to shine brightly with yet another promotion, in January 2015, to the post of “Director for the Scotland Office of the UK Government.”

Her new boss, David Mundell was delighted since she would be a catalyst ensuring successful implementation of the Westminster government’s plans to usurp the will of the Scottish people through an invidious extensive programme of change transferring financial and political responsibility away from Holyrood.

The role of the Scottish Office was defined by Mundell to be:

“To ensure the smooth working of the devolution settlement in Scotland. Representing Scottish interests within the UK Government and representing the UK Government in Scotland and ensuring that when it comes to reserved matters (the issues that the UK Government deals with in Scotland), the people of Scotland’s voice is heard at the highest level in UK Government.

Its objectives are:

To strengthen and sustain the union.
To act as a custodian of the devolution settlement.
To be Scotland’s voice in Whitehall.
To represent Scottish interests within Government and support the rest of Government on UK matters.
To champion the UK Government in Scotland
To represent and advocate for the UK Government’s policies and achievements in Scotland.

 

 

The Scottish Affairs Committee Interview Mundell and Osowska

The committee took evidence from Mundell, Secretary of State for Scotland, and senior civil servants at the Scotland Office, as they scrutinized the department’s annual report and accounts.

Pete Wishart: Opened the meeting referring to the misconduct of Mundell’s predecessor and Osowska’s former boss Alistair Carmichael, who was fighting claims arising from the “Frenchgate” affair that he had broken electoral law by lying about his role in a leak from the Scotland Office of the content of a private conversation between Nicola Sturgeon and the French consul, apparently reported by a civil servant to his line manager.

The written record allegedly contained a statement reporting that Nicola Sturgeon had voiced her support for the return of the Tory Party to Government. Nicola Sturgeon immediately dismissed the report.

Asked to comment Mundell, who was Carmichael’s number two at the time said he had no part in the leaking of the memo but declined to confirm or deny he had seen it prior to the leak. He said:

“I am Scotland’s voice in Whitehall and my team’s job is to make sure that Scotland’s voice is heard in decisions that are made in Whitehall in the Government. We are also the voice and ears of the UK Government in Scotland because Scotland has two governments. It’s wholly appropriate that the views of both governments are heard but also that we engage widely in relation to the activities of the UK Government in Scotland.”

Wishart questioned Mundell further, asking:

“Were you aware of the requirement for civil servants to record and submit reports to their manager about conversations between Ministers of the Scottish Government and other persons?

Mundell did not answer directly replying:

“The inquiry report set out that in terms of the actions of the civil servants involved there was no impropriety on their part and I had no part in the leaking of that memo.”

Wishart followed up, asking:

“We know you had nothing to do with the making of the leak and that the inquiry has been conducted and concluded, but did you see the memo?”

Ever evasive, Mundell stonewalled replying testily:

“All the relevant information in relation to the leak is contained in the Cabinet Office report.”

Wishart asked Osowska: “How common is it for “Scotland Office” civil servants to contact overseas governments to ask about private conversations between governments and Scottish Government ministers and to compile reports.

Osowska replied: “It is common practice for my staff to be in touch with the consular corps in Scotland and to keep Whitehall fully informed of conversations between Holyrood ministers and foreign diplomats.

It was later revealed that Mundell had issued an edict curtailing direct dialogue between Scottish Government Ministers and their counterparts in London. The Scottish Office would be copied all correspondence and records of any contacts.

Effectively establishing the Westminster Government of Scotland in Edinburgh, just up the road from Holyrood with himself self-appointed to the role of Scotlands Consular General.

 

Scottish Affairs Committee Meeting – Financial matters – Scotland Office

Francesca Osowska, Director and Principal Accounting Officer for the Scotland Office and the Office of the Advocate General attended to answer questions pertaining to the financial performance of both bodies.

Osowska: “The whole time equivalent establishment (WTE) for both units is around 100. Very few posts are filled with permanent staff the preference being to operate with the assistance of civil service staff seconded from departments at Westminster.”

Margaret Ferrier: “The 2015-16 budget for the Scotland Office, set in the 2013 spending round, was £5.8 million. But the most recent spending estimate asked the Treasury to approve the allocation of a further £3m for “capability enhancement.” What are these new funds for?”

Osowska: “The total combined outturn for the Office of the Advocate General and the Scotland Office in 2014/15 was £7.7 million. The notional £2m overspend was largely offset by an uplift to the allocation set in the 2010 spending round which had not budgeted for the 2014 Independence Referendum. The increased expenditure can mainly be attributed to the referendum which included an allocation of resources to Ministers and their support staff and commercial contractors who provided information to the Scottish public informing the debate.”

Margaret Ferrier: “These public Ministers, are you meaning UK Ministers?”

Osowska: “Yes.”

Margaret Ferrier: “Not the Scottish Government?”

Osowska: “No.”

Kirsty Blackman: “So the Scotland Office had allocated to it and spent an extra £3 million helping UK Government Ministers with information about the referendum, mainly?”

Osowska: “I do not think it is entirely correct to say it was a single jump of £3 million. In terms of what the money delivered and the outcomes that the Scotland Office delivered, I would refer the Committee to the report which sets out a detailed analysis of the outcomes and the outputs from the five objectives set by the Scotland Office, and certainly part of that work and a focus of that work in 2014-15 was in relation to the run-up and then the after-events—including the Smith Commission—of the referendum.”

Chair: “It would be helpful if you write to the Committee to explain properly what the £3.3 million did account for. What we are hearing is that this might have been finance used for “Better Together” in the referendum campaign, and used by UK Ministers and their staff enabling their participation in the referendum campaign. Would that be roughly a correct characterization of that spending?”

Osowska: I don’t think it would be. What I am saying is that in terms of general administration costs, the spend has been consistently around £7m. In answer to your question, “Was this a way of the Government funding the ‘No’ campaign?”. The finance was used to fund the activities of UK Government civil servants, in line with the civil service code. And I can tell you that all activities undertaken by civil servants in my Department would meet a propriety test, yet I think you would agree that in the run-up to a referendum, obviously when Ministers want to be more visible, when we need to ensure that there is a good flow of public information for example, via the Scotland analysis papers that increase our activity and that is why there was an increase between the 2013-14 out-turn and 2014-15 out-turn.”

The statement was later revealed to be absolute tosh with this revelation from the Cabinet Office in London.

 

The Devolved Countries Unit – Nobbled the Scots

The Westminster Civil Service, “Devolved Countries Unit”, (Dirty Tricks) campaign team won “special” Cabinet Secretary and Head of the Civil Service Awards.

The three amigos’s who actually run the UK: Sir Jeremy Heywood, Sir Bob Kerslake, and Sir Nicholas McPherson collaborated and plotted against Scotland marshalling the full resource of the civil service attacking the Scottish government and anyone who supported the “Yes” campaign.

In the months after the referendum, they expressed great satisfaction that their “Campaign of fear” had created “fearties” in numbers sufficient to win the day for the Unionist coalition.

An award, in recognition of the team’s outstanding achievement, making a significant difference on an issue of national significance, (the Referendum) was presented by the Cabinet Secretary and civil service head Sir Jeremy Heywood. The proud team commented:

* Paul Doyle: “This award is not just for the Treasury, it’s for all the hard work that was done by all government departments on the Scotland agenda. The reality was in all my experience of the civil service, I have never seen the civil service pull together in the way they did behind supporting the UK government in maintaining the United Kingdom. It was a very special event for all of us.”

* William MacFarlane: Deputy Director at HM Treasury, (Budget and Tax Strategy): “As civil servants, you don’t get involved in politics. But for the first time in my life, suddenly we’re part of a political campaign. We were doing everything from the analysis to the advertising, to the communications. I just felt a massive sense of being part of the operation. This being recognized [at the Civil Service Awards], makes me feel just incredibly proud.”

* Shannon Cochrane: “we’ve learned that it is possible for civil servants to work on things that are inherently political and quite difficult, and you’re very close to the line of what is appropriate, but it’s possible to find your way through and to make a difference.”

* Mario Pisani: Deputy Director at HM Treasury, (Public Policy): “In the Treasury, everyone hates you. We don’t get thanks for anything. This is one occasion where we’ve worked with the rest of Whitehall. We all had something in common, we’re trying to save the Union here, and it was so close. We just kept it by the skin of our teeth. I actually cried when the result came in. After 10 years in the civil service, my proudest moment is tonight and receiving this award. As civil servants, you don’t get involved in politics. But, for the first time in my life, suddenly we’re part of a political campaign. We were doing everything from the analysis to the advertising, to the communications. I just felt a massive sense of being part of the operation. This being recognized [at the Civil Service Awards], makes me feel just incredibly proud.”

Comment: The “Civil Service Code” obliges all civil servants to be strictly apolitical and political campaigning work such as described is expressly forbidden. But the Cabinet Secretary, Heywood instructed civil servants to ignore the long-standing protocol and actively conspire to defeat Scots who wished to be free of Westminster control. What is particularly galling is that Francesca Osowska’s office funded all of it using finance that had been allocated to Scotland. Her statement that all activities completed for the Scotland Office, by Westminster civil servants would pass a propriety test stretches incredulity.

Much More here:

Scottish Office – Works For Westminster But Against Scotland

2014 – Scottish Referendum – State Subversion Denied Scots Their Freedom – Next Time We Will Be Wiser

Mundell and the Tory Party – Actively Aided by the Scottish Office Are the Legal Government of Scotland – Holyrood Politicians Need to be Mindful of this or Westminster will shut it down

I Don’t Want To Appear Evasive But!!!!!! – Francesca Osowska Director of the Scottish Office Runs Rings Around the Scottish Affairs Committee in Defence of her Boss David Mundell

The Unashamed Unionist Civil Servant – Francesca Osowska A Master In the Art Of Obfuscation Denies Scots Their Freedom From the Tyranical Westminster Elite Fulfilling Its Political Agenda at Every Juncture

Francesca Osowska – A Well Earned OBE – You Be The Judge

https://bellacaledonia.wordpress.com/2015/04/05/false-memos-and-french-farce/

Labour still isn’t working for Glasgow and has left a poisoned legacy

 

 

Scottish National Heritage

In October 2017, in a surprise move, Osowska was seconded (for 3 years, maximum 2 terms) to the Scottish National Heritage Department as its Chief Executive replacing the incumbent, Ian Jardine, who was seconded (for 3 years, maximum 2 terms) to a newly created role, with the Scottish Government, as a National Adviser on environment policy with a remit to strengthen its EU-related analysis, engagement, and policy work.

Promoting the change, Environment Secretary Roseanna Cunningham said:

“I am delighted to approve the appointment of Francesca Osowska as chief executive of Scottish Natural Heritage. Francesca’s wealth of experience in leading transformational change and government policy should be a great asset to SNH, and I look forward to working with her. I also wish to pay tribute to Ian Jardine for his leadership of SNH over many years and I am very pleased that our work on future environment policy and regulation will gain from his extensive knowledge and experience, including of the European Union.”

Ian Jardine – Natural Heritage – Qualifications and Experience

Holds a Bachelor’s degree in Ecology and a Doctorate in Zoology.

Began his public service career in 1984 in the Scottish Office, working successively on urban renewal, housing policy, criminal justice, and industrial policy.

Joined the Nature Conservancy Council for Scotland in 1991 as Regional Director and remained in that role with the formation of SNH in 1992.

Appointed Chief Executive of SNH in 2002.

Served on the Council of the Royal Zoological Society of Scotland 2005-2008.

President of Eurosite, a network for organizations managing protected areas in Europe, 2007-2010.

Member of ENCA (European Nature Conservation Agencies).

Worked with Europarc and IUCN/WCPA, including as a member of the World Protected Areas Leadership Forum

Francesca Orloska – Natural Heritage Qualifications and Experience

None.

Comment: Giving Osowska  charge of a budget  in excess of £75m and management of a very large number of staff attracted criticism.

Both officers are still in place supporting the view that they will remain in their present posts until 2024.

Indeed it is feasible that one day soon they will be given peerages and a cushy well-renumerated lifestyle in the House of Lords.

 

 

 

 

 

Afghanistan 

In October 2001, UK forces entered Afghanistan in support of the United States. In a statement to the House of Commons, on 4 October 2001, Blair outlined the UK’s objectives, stating:

“We must bring Bin Laden and other Al Qaeda leaders to justice and eliminate the terrorist threat they pose.  And we must ensure that Afghanistan ceases to harbour and sustain international terrorism. If the Taliban regime will not comply with that objective, we must bring about change in that regime to ensure that Afghanistan’s links to international terrorism are broken.

We will do what we can to minimize the suffering of the Afghan people as a result of the conflict; and we commit ourselves to work with them afterwards inside and outside Afghanistan to ensure a better, more peaceful future, free from the repression and dictatorship that is their present existence. The Afghan people are not our enemy, for they have our sympathy and they will have our support.

Our enemy is Osama bin Laden and the al-Qaeda network, who were responsible for the events of 11 September. The Taliban regime must yield them up or become our enemy also. We will not act for revenge. We will act because we need to for the protection of our people and our way of life, including confidence in our economy.

The threat posed by bin Laden and his terrorism must be eliminated. We act for justice. We act with world opinion behind us and we have an absolute determination to see justice done and this evil of mass international terrorism confronted and defeated. ^“

 

 

 

 

Helmand

In May 2006, their was a sharp increase in the number of attacks on Afghan forces and the US decided to expand its operations throughout Afghanistan.

In the year that followed American casualties escalated and Blair committed an increased number of UK forces to assist them in the troubled Helmand province.

By the midsummer of 2007,  British personnel in Afghanistan had been doubled to approximately 7000.

In a statement on 26 January 2006, the then Secretary of State for Defence, John Reid, told Parliament:

“The UK will work to ensure that we provide Afghanistan with a seamless package of democratic, political, developmental and military assistance. In fact, all of that is necessary to ensure that international terrorism never again has a base in Afghanistan.”

In March 2006, on a flying visit to Afghanistan, in an interview he said:

“If we are here for three years and accomplish our mission without firing a shot, we will be very happy indeed”

 

 

 

About Helmand 

Afghanistan is the world’s chief exporter of opium and narcotics production is the controlling factor of the Helmand economy. The trade is protected by well organized armed “gangs” controlled and financed by a number of mafia inspired-like organisations who did not tolerate any interference in their operations. The “druglords” who were not the “Taliban” had the money and the means to defend their assets.

Not long after arriving in Helmand in 2006, British forces were tasked to support a major anti-narcotics programme facilitating the Afghan Government’s control of the province. This brought about an early confrontation with the narcotics druglords who protected their vested interests with the support of corrupt officials, police officers and translators. It also alienated and inspired the resistance of many local tribesmen who had long suffered hardship imposed on them by the very officials the British forces were providing back-up for. The terminology is “shooting oneself in the foot.”

The Taliban had observed that Western forces were bogged down in Iraq and troop numbers had not increased in Afghanistan in more than three years. They used the vacumn to launch a campaign of terror in Helmand through the intimidation and kidnapping and murder of local leaders and their families. Their programmes of disruption also extended to the destruction of schools and building projects put in place by local government.

The Taliban also recruited thousands of volunteers, many from Pakistani Madrassahs (schools of radical Islamic teaching)

 

 

 

Operational Deployment of British Forces Decided by Blair –  Casualty Rates Escalate

The  Governor of Helmand insisted that British forces protect towns throughout the province. Refusing his request the British forces commander told him he did not have the personnel numbers needed to support the strategy but following high level political meetings he was ordered from Westminster to accede to the wishes of the Governor. The demands of their political masters would have serious repercussions on the soldiers on the ground.

His forces were split into units numbering between 40-100 and deployed to defend the towns of Sangin, Musa Qala, Nawzad and Garmsir and other places from small poorly built fortified bases.

The deployment played right into the hands of the Taliban who surrounded and relentlessly attacked the bases for days on end inflicting significant casualties on the British defenders without much loss to themselves.

Another aspect of the fight on many fronts was the presence in the Taliban of a large number of Madrassah supported Pakistanis.

The Madrassah’s were also heavily involved in the education, training and deployment to the UK of radicalized sleepers, individuals who would become terrorists in the UK.

Blair ordered the adoption of a “velvet glove” policy on Madrassahs so that British secret services could work with the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI) ensuring the protection of the British homeland.

His policy did not endear him to military commanders in Afghanistan who were acutely aware that the (ISI) played both sides and were not trusted allies in the fight against the Taliban.

 

 

Summary:

Blair and those that followed him in office ensured the British public did not have an informed understanding of the objectives of their armed forces deployment to Afghanistan. Many thought the fighting was all about the control of poppy production, while others thought it was about the War on Terror, (which the Taliban had no part in). Those that were politically briefed knew it was all about the US and Britain imposing democracy and governance of on a troubled nation.

 

 

 

 

Casualties of the War in Afghanistan

453 British soldiers died in Afghanistan – four times the rate of US troops, a statistical disparity which nobody at Westminster has yet explained

The maximum acceptable level of major combat casualties is 6 deaths per 1000. UK forces suffered 13 deaths per 1000. (The average age of those who died was 22. 31 were teenagers, 200 in their 20s). USA forces suffered 3 deaths per 1000.

3560 soldiers were wounded in action. 29 British soldiers had limbs amputated in 2012-2013. 12 were classified as “significant multiple amputees”.

Of the army veterans who made it home more or less in one piece, suicide was the most common cause of death in 2012.

 

 

Eyes Shut and Fingers Crossed

Major General Mackay, Greatly respected, Force Commander in Helmand, (in an interview in the Times), not long after he left the Army said;

“Labour’s “complacent” approach to the Afghan mission had proved “very costly”. The genesis of their approach is born of complacency, the thought that, ‘we can deal with it as and when it happens”. It resulted, I believe, in the upper echelons of the Labour government going into Helmand with their eyes shut and their fingers crossed.

“For those who fought and died or suffered injuries in that period, this proved a very costly means of conducting counter-insurgency. The issue is whether or not our politicians, diplomats, intelligence services, civil servants and senior military have done enough, adapted enough, been innovative enough or courageous enough to make tough, and more often than not, unpalatable choices.”

“My answer to that question is that they have not or have failed to do so too often. Muddling through seemed to be the default setting, along with the protection of individual and collective interests”.

 

Paul Flynn MP – Defender of Scotland – The Best MP in Westminster

 

House of Commons – Early Day Motion Submitted by Welsh Labour MP Paul Flynn

That this House records its sorrow at the deaths of 453 British soldiers in Afghanistan and notes the post-conflict judgments by Brigadier Ed Butler that the UK was under-prepared and under-resourced, by General Sir Peter Wall that the calculus was wrong, by former ambassador Sir Sherard Cowper-Coles that the UK operation was a massive act of collective self-deception by military and politicians unable to admit how badly it was going, and by General Lord Dannatt that the UK knew it was heading for two considerable size operations and really only had the organisation and manpower for one; and calls for an early inquiry into the conduct of the war in order to avoid future blunders.

What a shame they could bear to tell the truth earlier when many lives could have been saved.

http://www.paulflynnmp.co.uk/

 

 

453 UK soldiers died in Afghanistan following the decision by the Westminster Unionists to invade Helmand in 2006.

Captain Thomas Clarke, aged 30, from Cardiff, Flight Lieutenant Rakesh Chauhan, aged 29, from Birmingham, Warrant Officer Class 2 Spencer Faulkner, aged 38, Corporal James Walters, aged 36, from Cornwall, Lance Corporal Oliver Thomas, aged 26, from Brecon, Sapper Adam Moralee, aged 23, from Newcastle, Captain Richard Holloway, aged 29, from Durham, Warrant Officer Class 2 Ian Fisher, aged 42, from Essex, Lance Corporal James Brynin, The Intelligence Corps, aged 22, from Shoreham-by-Sea, Flight Lieutenant Steven Johnson, aged 38, from Collingham, Nottinghamshire, Flight Lieutenant Leigh Anthony Mitchelmore, aged 28, from Bournemouth, Flight Lieutenant Gareth Rodney Nicholas, aged 40, from Newquay, Cornwall, Flight Lieutenant Allan James Squires, aged 39, from Clatterbridge, Flight Lieutenant Steven Swarbrick, aged 28, from Liverpool, Flight Sergeant Gary Wayne Andrews, aged 48, from Tankerton, Kent, Flight Sergeant Stephen Beattie, aged 42, from Dundee, Flight Sergeant Gerard Martin Bell, aged 48, from Ely, Cambridgeshire, Flight Sergeant Adrian Davies, aged 49, from Amersham, Buckinghamshire, Sergeant Benjamin James Knight, aged 25, from Bridgwater, Sergeant John Joseph Langton, aged 29, from Liverpool, Sergeant Gary Paul Quilliam, aged 42, from Manchester, Corporal Oliver Simon Dicketts, The Parachute Regiment, aged 27, Marine Joseph David Windall, Royal Marines, aged 22, Corporal William Thomas Savage, aged 30, from Irvine, Fusilier Samuel Flint, aged 21, from Blackpool, Private Robert Murray Hetherington, from the United States of America, Lance Corporal Jamie Webb, 1st Battalion The Mercian Regiment, aged 24, from Wythenshawe, Kingsman David Robert Shaw, 1st Battalion The Duke of Lancaster’s Regiment, aged 23, from Barrow-in-Furness, Sapper Richard Reginald Walker, 28 Engineer Regiment, aged 23, from Leeds, Captain Walter Barrie, 1 Scots, aged 41, from Glasgow, Lieutenant Edward Drummond-Baxter, 1st Battalion The Royal Gurkha Rifles, aged 29, from County Durham, Lance Corporal Siddhanta Kunwar, 1st Battalion The Royal Gurkha Rifles, aged 28, from Pokhara, Nepal, Corporal David O’Connor, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 27, from Havant, Hampshire, Corporal Channing Day, 3 Medical Regiment, aged 25, from Newtownards, County Down, Captain Carl Manley, Royal Marines, aged 41, Captain James Anthony Townley, Corps of Royal Engineers, aged 29, from Tunbridge Wells, Sergeant Jonathan Eric Kups, Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers, aged 38, from Nuneaton, Warwickshire, Sergeant Gareth Thursby, 3 Yorks, aged 29, from Skipton, Private Thomas Wroe, 3 Yorks, aged 18, from Huddersfield, Lance Corporal Duane Groom, 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards, aged 32, from Suva City, Fiji, Sergeant Lee Paul Davidson, The Light Dragoons, aged 32, from Doncaster, and Guardsman Karl Whittle, 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards, aged 22, from Bristol.Corporal Jack Leslie Stanley, The Queen’s Royal Hussars, aged 26, from Bolton, Sergeant Luke Taylor, The Royal Marines, aged 33, from Bournemouth, Lance Corporal Michael Foley, Adjutant General’s Corps (Staff and Personnel Support), aged 25, from Burnley, Lancashire, Captain Rupert William Michael Bowers, 2nd Battalion The Mercian Regiment, aged 24, from Wolverhampton, Sergeant Nigel Coupe, 1st Battalion The Duke of Lancaster’s Regiment, aged 33, from Lytham St. Annes, Lancashire, Corporal Jake Hartley, 3rd Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, aged 20, from Dewsbury, West Yorkshire, Private Anthony Frampton, 3rd Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, aged 20, from Huddersfield, Private Christopher Kershaw, 3rd Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, aged 19, from Bradford, Private Daniel Wade, 3rd Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, aged 20, from Warrington, Private Daniel Wilford, 3rd Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, aged 21, from Huddersfield, Senior Aircraftman Ryan Tomlin, 2 Squadron RAF Regiment, aged 21, from Hemel Hempstead, Lance Corporal Gajbahadur Gurung, Royal Gurkha Rifles, aged 26, from Majthana, Nepal, Signaller Ian Gerard Sartorius-Jones, 20th Armoured Brigade Headquarters and Signal Squadran (200), aged 21, from Runcorn, Cheshire, Rifleman Sachin Limbu, 1st Battalion The Royal Gurkha Rifles, aged 23, from Rajghat, Morang, Nepal, Private John King, 1st Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, aged 19, from Darlington, Squadron Leader Anthony Downing, Royal Air Force, aged 34, from Kent and Captain Tom Jennings, Royal Marines, aged 29. Guardsman Jamie Shadrake, 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards, aged 20, from Wrexham, Wales, Lance Corporal Matthew David Smith, Corps of Royal Engineers, aged 26, from Aldershot, Lieutenant Andrew Robert Chesterman, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 26, from Guildford, Warrant Officer Class 2 Leonard Perran Thomas, Royal Corps of Signals, aged 44, from Ross-on-Wye, Guardsman Craig Andrew Roderick, 1st Battalion Welsh Guards, aged 22, from Cardiff, Guardsman Apete Saunikalou Ratumaiyale Tuisovurua, 1st Battalion Welsh Guards, aged 28, from Fiji, Corporal Alex Guy, 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 37, from St Neots, Cambridgeshire, Lance Corporal James Ashworth, 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards, aged 23, from Kettering, Private Gregg Thomas Stone, 3rd Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, aged 20, from Yorkshire, Corporal Michael John Thacker, 1st Battalion The Royal Welsh, aged 27, from Swindon, Wiltshire, Captain Stephen James Healey, 1st Battalion The Royal Welsh, aged 29, from Cardiff, Corporal Brent John McCarthy, Royal Air Force, aged 25, from Priorslee, Telford, Lance Corporal Lee Thomas Davies, 1st Battalion Welsh Guards, aged 27, from Carmarthen, Corporal Andrew Steven Roberts, 23 Pioneer Regiment, The Royal Logistic Corps, aged 32, from Middlesbrough, Private Ratu Manasa Silibaravi, 23 Pioneer Regiment, The Royal Logistic Corps, aged 32, from Fiji, Guardsman Michael Roland, 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards, aged 22, from Worthing and Sapper Connor Ray, 33 Engineer Regiment (Explosive Ordnance Disposal), aged 21, from Newport. Sapper Elijah Bond, 35 Engineer Regiment Royal Engineers, aged 24, from St Austell, Rifleman Sheldon Lee Jordan Steel, 5th Battalion The Rifles, aged 20, from Leeds, Private Thomas Christopher Lake, 1st Battalion The Princess of Wales’s Royal Regiment, aged 29, from Watford, Lieutenant David Boyce, 1st The Queen’s Dragoon Guards, aged 25, from Welwyn Garden City, Hertfordshire, Lance Corporal Richard Scanlon, 1st The Queen’s Dragoons Guards, aged 31, from Rhymney, Gwent, Lance Corporal Peter Eustace, 2nd Battalion The Rifles, aged 25, from Liverpool, Private Matthew Thornton, 4th Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, aged 28, from Barnsley, Private Matthew James Sean Haseldin, 2nd Battalion The Mercia Regiment, aged 21, from Settle, Yorkshire, Rifleman Vijay Rai, 2nd Battalion The Royal Gurkha Rifles, aged 21, from the Bhojpur District, Deaurali East of Nepal, Marine David Fairbrother, Kilo Company, 42 Commando Royal Marines, aged 24, from Blackburn, Lance Corporal Jonathan James McKinley, 1st Battalion The Rifles, aged 33, from Darlington, County Durham, Sergeant Barry John Weston, Kilo Company, 42 Commando Royal Marines, aged 40, from Reading, Lieutenant Daniel John Clack, 1st Battalion The Rifles, aged 24, from North London, Marine James Robert Wright, 42 Commando Royal Marines, aged 22, from Weymouth and Corporal Mark Anthony Palin, 1st Battalion The Rifles, aged 32, from Plymouth. Lance Corporal Paul Watkins, 9th/12th Royal Lancers (Prince of Wales’s), aged 24, from Port Elizabeth, Republic of South Africa, Highlander Scott McLaren, The Highlanders 4th Battalion the Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 20, from Edinburgh, Private Gareth Leslie William Bellingham, 3rd Battalion The Mercian Regiment (Stafford), aged 22, from Stoke-on-Trent, Corporal Lloyd Newell, The Parachute Regiment, Craftsman Andrew Found, Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers, aged 27, from Whitby, Rifleman Martin Jon Lamb, 1st Battalion the Rifles, aged 27, from Gloucester, Lance Corporal Martin Joseph Gill, 42 Commando Royal Marines, aged 22, from Nottingham, Corporal Michael John Pike, The Highlanders 4th Battalion The Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 26, from Huntly, Scotland, Lieutenant Oliver Richard Augustin, Juliet Company, 42 Commando Royal Marines, aged 23, from Kent, Marine Samuel Giles William Alexander MC, Juliet Company, 42 Commando Royal Marines, aged 28, from London, Colour Sergeant Kevin Charles Fortuna, A Company, 1st Battalion The Rifles, aged 36, from Cheltenham, Marine Nigel Dean Mead, 42 Commando Royal Marines, aged 19, from Carmarthen, Captain Lisa Jade Head, 11 EOD Regiment RLC, aged 29, from Huddersfield, Colour Sergeant Alan Cameron, 1st Battalion Scots Guards, aged 42, from Livingston, Scotland, Major Matthew James Collins, 1st Battalion Irish Guards, aged 38, from Backwell, Somerset, Lance Sergeant Mark Terence Burgan, 1st Battalion Irish Guards, aged 28, from Liverpool, Private Daniel Steven Prior, 2nd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 27, from Peacehaven, East Sussex, Lance Corporal McKee, 1st Battalion The Royal Irish Regiment, aged 27, from Banbridge, County Down, Northern Ireland, Lance Corporal Liam Richard Tasker, Royal Army Veterinary Corps, aged 26, from Kirkcaldy, Fife, Scotland, Private Robert Wood, 17 Port and Maritime Regiment Royal Logistic Corps, aged 28, from Hampshire, Private Dean Hutchinson, 9 Regiment The Royal Logistic Corps, aged 23, from Wiltshire, Lance Corporal Kyle Cleet Marshall, 2nd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 23, from Newcastle, Private Lewis Hendry, 3rd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 20, from Norwich, Private Conrad Lewis, 4th Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 22, from Bournemouth, Warrant Officer Class 2 (Company Sergeant Major) Colin Beckett, 3rd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 36, from Peterborough, Ranger David Dalzell, 1st Battalion, The Royal Irish Regiment, aged 20, from Bangor County Down, Private Martin Simon George Bell, 2nd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 24, from Bradford, Private Joseva Saqanagonedau Vatubua, 5th Battalion The Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 24, from Suva, Fiji, Warrant Officer Class 2 Charles Henry Wood, 23 Pioneer Regiment Royal Logistic Corps, serving with the Counter-Improvised Explosive Device Task Force, aged 34, from Middlesbrough, and Corporal Steven Thomas Dunn, 216 (Parachute) Signal Squadron, attached to 2nd Battalion The Parachute Regiment Battlegroup, aged 27, from Gateshead. Private John Howard, 3rd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 23, from Wellington, New Zealand, Guardsman Christopher Davies, 1st Battalion Irish Guards, aged 22, from St Helens, Merseyside, Ranger Aaron McCormick, 1st Battalion The Royal Irish Regiment, aged 22, from Coleraine in County Londonderry, Senior Aircraftsman Scott ‘Scotty’ Hughes, 1 Squadron Royal Air Force Regiment, aged 20, from North Wales, Sapper William Bernard Blanchard, 101 (City of London) Engineer Regiment (Explosive Ordnance Disposal), aged 39, from Gosport, Hampshire, Corporal David Barnsdale, 33 Engineer Regiment, aged 24, from Tring, Sergeant Peter Anthony Rayner, 2nd Battalion The Duke of Lancaster’s Regiment, aged 34, from Bradford, Rifleman Suraj Gurung, 1st Battalion The Royal Gurkha Rifles, aged 22, from Gorkha in Nepal, Corporal Matthew Thomas, Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers, Sergeant Andrew James Jones, Royal Engineers, aged 35, from Newport, South Wales, Trooper Andrew Martin Howarth, The Queen’s Royal Lancers, aged 20, from Bournemouth, Kingsman Darren Deady, 2nd Battalion The Duke of Lancaster’s Regiment, aged 22, from Bolton, Captain Andrew Griffiths, 2nd Battalion The Duke of Lancaster’s Regiment, aged 25, from Richmond, North Yorkshire, Lance Corporal Joseph McFarlane Pool, The Royal Scots Borderers 1st Battalion The Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 26, from Greenock, Lance Corporal Jordan Dean Bancroft, 1st Battalion The Duke of Lancaster’s Regiment, aged 25, from Burnley, Sapper Ishwor Gurung, 69 Gurkha Field Squadron, 21 Engineer Regiment, aged 21, from Pokhara, Nepal, Sapper Darren Foster, 21 Engineer Regiment, aged 20, from Carlisle, Rifleman Remand Kulung, 1st Battalion The Mercian Regiment (Cheshire), aged 27, from Nepal, Lietuenant John Charles Sanderson, 1st Battalion The Mercian Regiment (Cheshire), aged 29, from Oklahoma, USA, Marine Adam Brown, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 26, from Burtle, near Glastonbury, Lance Sergeant Dale Alanzo McCallum, 1st Battalion Scots Guards, aged 31, from Hanover, Jamaica, Sapper Mark Antony Smith, 36 Engineer Regiment, aged 26, from Swanley, Kent, Corporal Matthew James Stenton, The Royal Dragoon Guards, aged 23, from Wakefield, Lance Corporal Stephen Daniel Monkhouse, 1st Battalion Scots Guards, aged 28, from Greenock, Staff Sergeant Brett George Linley, The Royal Logistic Corps, aged 29, from Birmingham, Sergeant David Thomas Monkhouse, The Royal Dragoon Guards, aged 35, from Aspatria, Cumbria, Senior Aircraftman Kinikki ‘Griff’ Griffiths, aged 20, Marine Jonathan David Thomas Crookes, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 26, from Birmingham, Marine Matthew Harrison, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 23, from Hemel Hempstead, Major James Joshua Bowman, 1st Battalion The Royal Gurkha Rifles, aged 34, from Salisbury, Lieutenant Neal Turkington, 1st Battalion The Royal Gurkha Rifles, aged 26, from Craigavon, and Corporal Arjun Purja Pun, 1st Battalion The Royal Gurkha Rifles, aged 33, from Khibang village Magdi District, Nepal. Marine David Charles Hart, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 23, from Upper Poppleton, North Yorkshire, Bombardier Samuel Joseph Robinson, 5th Regiment Royal Artillery, aged 31, from Carmarthen, Private Thomas Sephton, 1st Battalion The Mercian Regiment, aged 20, from Warrington, Trooper James Anthony Leverett, Royal Dragoon Guards, aged 20, from Sheffield, Corporal Seth Stephens, Royal Marines, Corporal Jamie Kirkpatrick, 101 Engineer Regiment (Explosive Ordnance Disposal), aged 32, from Llanelli, Bombardier Stephen Raymond Gilbert, 4th Regiment Royal Artillery, aged 36, from Topcliffe, North Yorkshire, Colour Sergeant Martyn Horton, 1st Battalion The Mercian Regiment, aged 34, from Runcorn, Lance Corporal David Ramsden, 1st Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, aged 26, from Leeds, Private Douglas Halliday, 1st Battalion The Mercian Regiment, aged 20, from Wallasey, Merseyside, Private Alex Isaac, 1st Battalion The Mercian Regiment, aged 20, from the Wirral, Sergeant Steven William Darbyshire, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 35, from Wigan, Lance Corporal Michael Taylor, Charlie Company, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 30, from Rhyl, Marine Paul Warren, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 23, from Leyland, Lancashire, Marine Richard Hollington, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 23, from Petersfield, Trooper Ashley Smith, Royal Dragoon Guards, aged 21, from York, Corporal Taniela Tolevu Rogoiruwai, aged 32, from Nausori, Fiji, Kingsman Pomipate Tagitaginimoce, aged 29, from Nausori, Fiji, and Marine Steven James Birdsall, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 20, from Warrington. Lance Corporal Andrew Breeze, B (Malta) Company, 1st Battalion The Mercian Regiment (Cheshire), aged 31, from Manchester, Private Jonathan Monk, 2nd Battalion The Princess of Wales’s Royal Regiment, aged 25, from London, Lance Bombardier Mark Chandler, 3rd Regiment Royal Horse Artillery, aged 32, from Nailsworth, Gloucestershire, Corporal Terry Webster, 1st Battalion The Mercian Regiment (Cheshire), aged 24, from Chester, Lance Corporal Alan Cochran, 1st Battalion The Mercian Regiment (Cheshire), aged 23, from St Asaph, North Wales, Marine Anthony Dean Hotine, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 21, from Warminster, Marine Scott Gregory Taylor, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 20, from Buxton, Corporal Stephen Curley, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 26, from Exeter, Gunner Zak Cusack, 4th Regiment Royal Artillery, aged 20, from Stoke-on-Trent, Corporal Stephen Walker, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 42, from Lisburn, Northern Ireland, Corporal Christopher Lewis Harrison, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 26, from Watford, Sapper Daryn Roy, 21 Engineer Regiment, aged 28, from Consett, County Durham, Lance Corporal Barry Buxton, 21 Engineer Regiment, aged 27, from Meir, Stoke-on-Trent, Corporal Harvey Holmes, 1st Battalion The Mercian Regiment, aged 22, from Hyde, Greater Manchester, Fusilier Jonathan Burgess, 1st Battalion The Royal Welsh, aged 20, from Townhill, Swansea, Rifleman Mark Turner, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 21, from Gateshead, Guardsman Michael Sweeney, 1st Battalion Coldstream Guards, aged 19, from Blyth in Northumberland, Rifleman Daniel Holkham, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 19, from Chatham, Kent, Lance Corporal of Horse Jonathan Woodgate, Household Cavalry Regiment, aged 26, from Lavenham, Suffolk, Sergeant Steven Campbell, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 30, from Durham, Lance Corporal Scott Hardy, 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 26, from Chelmsford, Private James Grigg, 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 20, from Hartismere, Suffolk, Captain Martin Driver, 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 31, from Barnsley, Corporal Stephen Thompson, 1st Battalion The Rifles, aged 31, from Bovey Tracey, Devon, Lance Corporal Tom Keogh, 4th Battalion The Rifles, aged 24, from Paddington, London, Rifleman Liam Maughan, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 18, from Doncaster, Rifleman Jonathan Allott, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 19, from North Shields, Corporal Richard Green, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 23, from Reading, Rifleman Carlo Apolis, 4th Battalion The Rifles, aged 28, from South Africa, Sergeant Paul Fox, 28 Engineer Regiment, aged 34, from St Ives, Rifleman Martin Kinggett, 4th Battalion The Rifles, aged 19, from Dagenham, Senior Aircraftman Luke Southgate, II Squadron Royal Air Force Regiment, aged 20, from Bury St Edmunds, Lance Sergeant David ‘Davey’ Walker, 1st Battalion Scots Guards, aged 36, from Glasgow, Lieutenant Douglas Dalzell, 1st Battalion Coldstream Guards from Berkshire and Sapper Guy Mellors, 36 Engineer Regiment, aged 20, from Coventry. Kingsman Sean Dawson, 2nd Battalion The Duke of Lancaster’s Regiment, aged 19, from Ashton-under-Lyne, Manchester, Rifleman Mark Marshall, 6th Battalion The Rifles, aged 29, from Exeter, Lance Sergeant Dave Greenhalgh, 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards, aged 25, from Ilkeston, Derbyshire, Lance Corporal Darren Hicks, from Mousehole, Cornwall, Warrant Officer Class 2 David Markland, 36 Engineer Regiment, aged 36, from Euxton, Lancashire, Corporal John Moore, The Royal Scots Borderers, 1st Battalion The Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 22, from Lanarkshire, Private Sean McDonald, The Royal Scots Borderers, 1st Battalion The Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 26, from Edinburgh, Corporal Liam Riley, 3rd Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, aged 21, from Sheffield, Lance Corporal Graham Shaw, 3rd Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, aged 27, from Huddersfield, Lance Corporal Daniel Cooper, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 22, from Hereford, Rifleman Peter Aldridge, 4th Battalion The Rifles, aged 19, Corporal Lee Brownson, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 30, from Bishop Auckland, Rifleman Luke Farmer, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 19, from Pontefract, Captain Daniel Reed, 11 Explosive Ordnance Disposal Regiment, Royal Logistics Corps, aged 32, from Rainham, Kent, Private Robert Hayes, 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 19, from Cambridge, Sapper David Watson, 33 Engineer Regiment (Explosive Ordnance Disposal), aged 23, Rifleman Aidan Howell, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 19, from Sidcup, Kent, Lance Corporal Tommy Brown, The Parachute Regiment, Lance Corporal Christopher Roney, A Company, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 23, from Sunderland, Lance Corporal Michael David Pritchard, 4th Regiment, Royal Military Police, aged 22, from Maidstone, Corporal Simon Hornby, 2nd Battalion The Duke of Lancaster’s Regiment, aged 29, from Liverpool, Lance Corporal David Leslie Kirkness, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 24, from West Yorkshire, Rifleman James Stephen Brown, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 18, from Kent, Lance Corporal Adam Drane, 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 23, from Bury St Edmunds, Acting Sergeant John Paxton Amer, 1st Battalion Coldstream Guards, from Sunderland, Sergeant Robert David Loughran-Dickson, 4th Regiment Royal Military Police, aged 33, from Deal, Kent, Corporal Loren Owen Christopher Marlton-Thomas, 33 Engineer Regiment (EOD), aged 28, Rifleman Andrew Ian Fentiman, 7th Battalion The Rifles, aged 23, from Cambridge, Rifleman Samuel John Bassett, 4th Battalion The Rifles, aged 20, from Plymouth, Rifleman Philip Allen, 2 Rifles, aged 20, from Dorset, Sergeant Phillip Scott, 3rd Battalion The Rifles, aged 30, from Malton, Warrant Officer Class 1 Darren Chant, 1st Battalion The Grenadier Guards, aged 40, from Walthamstow, Sergeant Matthew Telford, 1st Battalion The Grenadier Guards, aged 37, from Grimsby, Guardsman James Major, 1st Battalion The Grenadier Guards, aged 18, from Grimsby, and Corporal Steven Boote, Royal Military Police, aged 22, from Birkenhead, Liverpool. Corporal Nicholas Webster-Smith, Royal Military Police, aged 24, from Glangwili, Staff Sergeant Olaf Sean George Schmid, Royal Logistic Corps, aged 30, from Truro, Corporal Thomas ‘Tam’ Mason, the Black Watch, 3rd Battalion the Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 27, from Rosyth, Corporal James Oakland, Royal Military Police, aged 26, from Manchester, Lance Corporal James Hill, 1st Battalion Coldstream Guards, aged 23, from Redhill, Surrey, Guardsman James Janes, 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards, aged 20, from Brighton, Acting Corporal Marcin Wojtak, 34 Squadron RAF regiment, aged 24, from Leicester, Private James Prosser, 2nd Battalion The Royal Welsh, aged 21, from Cwmbran, Acting Sergeant Michael Lockett MC, 2nd Battalion The Mercian Regiment, from Monifieth in Angus, Acting Sergeant Stuart McGrath, 2nd Battalion, The Rifles, aged 28, from Buckinghamshire, Trooper Brett Hall, 2nd Royal Tank Regiment, aged 21, from Dartmouth, Kingsman Jason Dunn-Bridgeman, 2nd Battalion The Duke of Lancaster’s Regiment, aged 20, from Liverpool, Corporal John Harrison, The Parachute Regiment, Private Gavin Elliott, 2nd Battalion The Mercian Regiment, aged 19, from Woodsetts, Worksop, Nottinghamshire, Lance Corporal Richard Brandon, Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers, aged 24, from Kidderminster, Sergeant Stuart ‘Gus’ Millar, The Black Watch, 3rd Battalion The Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 40, from Inverness, Private Kevin Elliott, The Black Watch, 3rd Battalion The Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 24, from Dundee, Sergeant Lee Andrew Houltram, Royal Marines. Fusilier Shaun Bush, 2nd Battalion The Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, aged 24, from Warwickshire, Sergeant Paul McAleese, 2nd Battalion The Rifles, aged 29, from Hereford, Private Jonathon Young, 3rd Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment (Duke of Wellington’s), aged 18, from Hull, Lance Corporal James Fullarton, 2nd Battalion The Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, aged 24, from Coventry, Fusilier Simon Annis, 2nd Battalion The Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, from Salford, Fusilier Louis Carter, 2nd Battalion The Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, from Nuneaton, Sergeant Simon Valentine, aged 29, from Bedworth, Private Richard Hunt, 2nd Battalion The Royal Welsh, aged 21, from Abergavenny, Captain Mark Hale, 2nd Battalion The Rifles, aged 42, from Bournemouth, Lance Bombardier Matthew Hatton, 40th Regiment Royal Artillery (The Lowland Gunners), aged 23, from Easingwold, North Yorkshire, Rifleman Daniel Wild, 2nd Battalion The Rifles, aged 19, from Hartlepool, Private Jason George Williams, 2nd Battalion The Mercian Regiment, aged 23, from Worcester, Corporal Kevin Mulligan, The Parachute Regiment, aged 26, Lance Corporal Dale Thomas Hopkins, The Parachute Regiment, aged 23, Private Kyle Adams, The Parachute Regiment, aged 21, Craftsman Anthony Lombardi, aged 21, from Scunthorpe, Trooper Phillip Lawrence, Light Dragoons, aged 22, from Birkenhead, Warrant Officer Class 2 Sean Upton, 5th Regiment Royal Artillery, aged 35, from Nottinghamshire and Bombardier Craig Hopson, 40th Regiment Royal Artillery (The Lowland Gunners), aged 24, from Castleford. Guardsman Christopher King, 1st Battalion Coldstream Guards, aged 20, from Birkenhead, Liverpool, Captain Daniel Shepherd, 11 Explosive Ordnance Disposal Regiment, The Royal Logistic Corps, aged 28, from Lincoln, Corporal Joseph Etchells, 2nd Battalion The Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, aged 22, from Mossley, Rifleman Aminiasi Toge, 2nd Battalion The Rifles, aged 26, from Suva, Fiji, Corporal Jonathan Horne, 2nd Battalion The Rifles, aged 28, from Walsall, Rifleman William Aldridge, 2nd Battalion The Rifles, aged 18, from Bromyard, Herefordshire, Rifleman James Backhouse, 2nd Battalion The Rifles, aged 18, from Castleford, Yorkshire, Rifleman Joe Murphy, 2nd Battalion The Rifles, aged 18, from Castle Bromwich, Birmingham, Rifleman Daniel Simpson, 2nd Battalion The Rifles, aged 20, from Croydon, Corporal Lee Scott, 2nd Royal Tank Regiment, aged 26, from King’s Lynn, Private John Brackpool, 1st Battalion Welsh Guards, aged 27, from Crawley, West Sussex, Rifleman Daniel Hume, 4th Battalion The Rifles, Trooper Christopher Whiteside, The Light Dragoons, aged 20, from Blackpool, Captain Ben Babington-Browne, 22 Engineer Regiment, Royal Engineers, aged 27, from Maidstone, Lance Corporal Dane Elson, 1st Battalion Welsh Guards, aged 22, from Bridgend, Lance Corporal David Dennis, The Light Dragoons, aged 29, from Llanelli, Wales, Private Robert Laws, 2nd Battalion The Mercian Regiment, aged 18, from Bromsgrove, Worcestershire, Lieutenant Colonel Rupert Thorneloe MBE, Commanding Officer, 1st Battalion Welsh Guards and Trooper Joshua Hammond, 2nd Royal Tank Regiment, aged 18. Major Sean Birchall, 1st Battalion Welsh Guards, aged 33, Lieutenant Paul Mervis, 2nd Battalion The Rifles, aged 27, from London, Private Robert McLaren, The Black Watch, 3rd Battalion The Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 20, from the Isle of Mull, Rifleman Cyrus Thatcher, 2nd Battalion The Rifles, aged 19, from Reading, Lance Corporal Nigel Moffett, The Light Dragoons, aged 28, from Belfast, Corporal Stephen Bolger, The Parachute Regiment, Lance Corporal Kieron Hill, 2nd Battalion The Mercian Regiment (Worcesters and Foresters), aged 20, from Nottingham, Lance Corporal Robert Martin Richards, Armoured Support Group Royal Marines, aged 24, from Betws-y-Coed, North Wales, Sapper Jordan Rossi, 25 Field Squadron, 38 Engineer Regiment, aged 22, from West Yorkshire, Fusilier Petero ‘Pat’ Suesue, 2nd Battalion The Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, aged 28, from Fiji, Marine Jason Mackie, Armoured Support Group Royal Marines, aged 21, from Bampton, Oxfordshire, Lieutenant Mark Evison, 1st Battalion Welsh Guards, aged 26, Sergeant Ben Ross, 173 Provost Company, 3rd Regiment Royal Military Police, Corporal Kumar Pun, 1st Battalion The Royal Gurkha Rifles, Rifleman Adrian Sheldon, 2 Rifles, from Kirkby-in-Ashfield, Corporal Sean Binnie, 3 Scots, aged 22, Lance Sergeant Tobie Fasfous, 1st Battalion Welsh Guards, aged 29, Corporal Dean Thomas John, Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers, aged 25, from Neath, and Corporal Graeme Stiff, Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers, aged 24, from Munster, Germany. Lance Corporal Christopher Harkett, 2nd Battalion The Royal Welsh, aged 22, from Swansea, Marine Michael ‘Mick’ Laski, 45 Commando Royal Marines, aged 21, from Liverpool, Corporal Tom Gaden, 1st Battalion The Rifles, aged 24, from Taunton, Lance Corporal Paul Upton, 1st Battalion The Rifles, aged 31, Rifleman Jamie Gunn, 1st Battalion The Rifles, aged 21, from Leamington Spa, Lance Corporal Stephen ‘Schnoz’ Kingscott, 1st Battalion The Rifles, aged 22, from Plymouth, Marine Darren ‘Daz’ Smith, 45 Commando Royal Marines, aged 27, from Fleetwood, Lancashire, Corporal Daniel ‘Danny’ Nield, 1st Battalion The Rifles, aged 31, from Cheltenham, Acting Corporal Richard ‘Robbo’ Robinson, 1st Battalion The Rifles, aged 21, from Cornwall, Captain Tom Sawyer, 29 Commando Regiment Royal Artillery, aged 26, from Hertfordshire, Corporal Danny Winter, 45 Commando Royal Marines, aged 28, from Stockport, Marine Travis Mackin, Communications Squadron United Kingdom Landing Force Command Support Group, aged 22, from Plymouth, Sergeant Chris Reed, 6th Battalion The Rifles, aged 25, from Plymouth, Corporal Liam Elms, RM, 45 Commando Royal Marines, aged 26, from Wigan, Lance Corporal Benjamin Whatley, 42 Commando Royal Marines, aged 20, from King’s Lynn, Corporal Robert Deering, Commando Logistic Regiment Royal Marines, aged 33, from Solihull, Rifleman Stuart Nash, 1st Battalion The Rifles, aged 21, from Sydney, Australia, and Lieutenant Aaron Lewis, 29 Commando Regiment Royal Artillery, aged 26, from Essex. Lance Corporal Steven ‘Jamie’ Fellows, 45 Commando Royal Marines, aged 28, from Sheffield, Marine Damian Davies, aged 27, Sergeant John Manuel, aged 38, from North East England, Corporal Mark Birch, aged 26, from Northampton, Marine Tony Evans, aged 20, from Sunderland, Marine Georgie Sparks, aged 19, from Epping, Marine Alexander Lucas, 45 Commando Royal Marines, aged 24, from Edinburgh, Colour Sergeant Krishnabahadur Dura, 2nd Battalion The Royal Gurkha Rifles, aged 36, from the Lamjung District of Western Nepal, Marine Neil David Dunstan, aged 32, from Bournemouth, Marine Robert Jospeh McKibben, aged 32, from County Mayo, Rifleman Yubraj Rai, 2nd Battalion The Royal Gurkha Rifles, aged 28, from Khotang District, Eastern Nepal, Trooper James Munday, aged 21, from the Birmingham area, Lance Corporal Nicky Matson, 2nd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 26, from Aveley in Essex, Private Jason Lee Rawstron, 2nd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 23, from Lancashire, Warrant Officer Class 2 Gary ‘Gaz’ O’Donnell GM, 1 Explosive Ordnance Disposal Regiment Royal Logistic Corps, aged 40, from Edinburgh, Ranger Justin James Cupples, 1st Battalion The Royal Irish Regiment, aged 29, from County Cavan, Ireland, Corporal Barry Dempsey, The Royal Highland Fusiliers, 2nd Battalion Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 29, from Ayrshire, Signaller Wayne Bland, 16 Signal Regiment, aged 21, from Leeds, Private Peter Joe Cowton, 2nd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 25, from Basingstoke, Sergeant Jonathan Mathews, The Highlanders, 4th Battalion The Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 35, from Edinburgh, Lance Corporal Kenneth Michael Rowe, Royal Army Veterinary Corps, aged 24, from Newcastle, Corporal Jason Stuart Barnes, Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers, aged 25, from Exeter, Lance Corporal James Johnson, B Company, 5th Battalion The Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 31, from Scotland, Warrant Officer 2nd Class Dan Shirley, Air Assault Support Regiment, Royal Logistics Corps, aged 32, from Leicester, Warrant Officer 2nd Class Michael Norman Williams, 2nd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 40, from Cardiff, Private Joe John Whittaker, 4th Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 20, from Stratford-upon-Avon, Corporal Sarah Bryant, Intelligence Corps, aged 26, from Liverpool, Corporal Sean Robert Reeve, Royal Signals, aged 28, Lance Corporal Richard Larkin, aged 39, Paul Stout, aged 31, Lance Corporal James Bateman, 2nd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 29, from Staines, Middlesex, Private Jeff Doherty, 2nd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 20, from Southam, Warwickshire, Private Nathan Cuthbertson, 2nd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 19, from Sunderland, Private Daniel Gamble, 2nd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 22, from Uckfield, East Sussex, Private Charles David Murray, 2nd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 19, from Carlisle, and Marine Dale Gostick, 3 Troop Armoured Support Company, Royal Marines, aged 22, from Oxford. Drummer Thomas Wright, 1st Battalion The Worcestershire and Sherwood Forresters, aged 21, from Ripley, Derbyshire, Guardsman Neil ‘Tony’ Downes, 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards, aged 20, from Manchester, Lance Corporal Paul ‘Sandy’ Sandford, 1st Battalion The Worcestershire and Sherwood Foresters, aged 23, from Nottingham, Corporal Mike Gilyeat, Royal Military Police, aged 28, Corporal Darren Bonner, 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 31, from Norfolk, Guardsman Daniel Probyn, 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards, aged 22, from Tipton, Lance Corporal George Russell Davey, 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 23, from Suffolk, Guardsman Simon Davison, 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards, aged 22, from Newcastle upon Tyne, Private Chris Gray, A Company 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 19, from Leicestershire, Warrant Officer Class 2 Michael ‘Mick’ Smith, 29 Commando Regiment Royal Artillery, aged 39, from Liverpool, Marine Benjamin Reddy, 42 Commando Royal Marines, aged 22, from Ascot, Berkshire, Lance Bombardier Ross Clark, aged 25, from South Africa, Lance Bombardier Liam McLaughlin, aged 21, from Lancashire, Marine Scott Summers, 42 Commando Royal Marines, aged 23, from Crawley, East Sussex, Marine Jonathan Holland, 45 Commando Royal Marines, aged 23, from Chorley, Lancashire, Lance Corporal Mathew Ford, 45 Commando Royal Marines, aged 30, from Immingham, Lincolnshire, Marine Thomas Curry 42 Commando Royal Marines, aged 21, from East London and Lance Bombardier James Dwyer, 29 Commando Regiment Royal Artillery, aged 22. James Thompson, Trooper Ratu Sakeasi Babakobau, Household Cavalry Regiment, aged 29, from Fiji, Trooper Robert Pearson, The Queen’s Royal Lancers Regiment, aged 22, from Grimsby, Senior Aircraftman Graham Livingstone, Royal Air Force Regiment, aged 23, from Glasgow, Senior Aircraftman Gary Thompson, Royal Auxiliary Air Force Regiment, aged 51, from Nottingham, Lieutenant John Thornton, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 22, from Ferndown, Marine David Marsh, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 23, from Sheffield, Corporal Damian Mulvihill, 40 Commando Royal Marines, aged 32, from Plymouth, Corporal Damian Stephen Lawrence, 2nd Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment (Green Howards), aged 25, from Whitby, Corporal Darryl Gardiner, Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers, aged 25, from Salisbury, Wiltshire, Sergeant Lee Johnson, 2nd Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, aged 33, from Stockton-on-Tees, Trooper Jack Sadler, The Honourable Artillery Company, aged 21, from Exeter, Captain John McDermid, The Royal Highland Fusiliers, 2nd Battalion The Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 43, from Glasgow, Lance Corporal Jake Alderton, 36 Engineer Regiment, aged 22, from Bexley, Major Alexis Roberts, 1st Battalion The Royal Gurkha Rifles, aged 32, from Kent, Colour Sergeant Phillip Newman, 4th Battalion The Mercian Regiment, aged 36, Private Brian Tunnicliffe, 2nd Battalion The Mercian Regiment (Worcesters and Foresters), aged 33, from Ilkeston, Corporal Ivano Violino, 36 Engineer Regiment, aged 29, from Salford and Sergeant Craig Brelsford, 2nd Battalion The Mercian Regiment, aged 25, from Nottingham. Private Johan Botha, 2nd Battalion The Mercian Regiment, from South Africa, Private Damian Wright, 2nd Battalion The Mercian Regiment, aged 23, from Mansfield, Private Ben Ford, 2nd Battalion The Mercian Regiment, aged 18, from Chesterfield, Senior Aircraftman Christopher Bridge, C flight, 51 Squadron Royal Air Force Regiment, aged 20, from Sheffield, Private Aaron James McClure, 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 19, from Ipswich, Private Robert Graham Foster, 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 19, from Harlow, Private John Thrumble, 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 21, from Chelmsford, Captain David Hicks, 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 26, from Surrey, Private Tony Rawson, 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 27, from Dagenham, Essex, Lance Corporal Michael Jones, Royal Marines, aged 26, from Newbald, Yorkshire, Sergeant Barry Keen, 14 Signal Regiment, aged 34, from Gateshead, Guardsman David Atherton, 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards, aged 25, from Manchester, Lance Corporal Alex Hawkins, 1st Battalion The Royal Anglian Regiment, aged 22, from East Dereham, Norfolk, Guardsman Daryl Hickey, 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards, aged 27, from Birmingham, Sergeant Dave Wilkinson, 19 Regiment Royal Artillery, aged 33, from Ashford, Kent, Captain Sean Dolan, 1st Battalion The Worcestershire and Sherwood Foresters, aged 40, from the West Midlands, Marine Richard J Watson, 42 Commando Royal Marines, aged 23, from Caterham, Surrey, Marine Jonathan Wigley, 45 Commando Royal Marines, aged 21, from Melton Mowbray, Leicestershire, Marine Gary Wright, 45 Commando Royal Marines, aged 22, from Glasgow, Lance Corporal Paul Muirhead, 1 Royal Irish Regiment, aged 29, from Bearley, Warwickshire, Lance Corporal Luke McCulloch, 1 Royal Irish Regiment, aged 21, Corporal Mark William Wright, 3rd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 27, from Edinburgh, Private Craig O’Donnell, The Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, 5th Battalion The Royal Regiment of Scotland, aged 24, from Clydebank, Flight Lieutenant Steven Johnson, aged 38, from Collingham, Nottinghamshire, Flight Lieutenant Leigh Anthony Mitchelmore, aged 28, from Bournemouth, Flight Lieutenant Gareth Rodney Nicholas, aged 40, from Newquay, Cornwall, Flight Lieutenant Allan James Squires, aged 39, from Clatterbridge, Flight Lieutenant Steven Swarbrick, aged 28, from Liverpool, Flight Sergeant Gary Wayne Andrews, aged 48, from Tankerton, Kent, Flight Sergeant Stephen Beattie, aged 42, from Dundee, Flight Sergeant Gerard Martin Bell, aged 48, from Ely, Cambridgeshire, Flight Sergeant Adrian Davies, aged 49, from Amersham, Buckinghamshire, Sergeant Benjamin James Knight, aged 25, from Bridgwater, Sergeant John Joseph Langton, aged 29, from Liverpool, Sergeant Gary Paul Quilliam, aged 42, from Manchester, Corporal Oliver Simon Dicketts, The Parachute Regiment, aged 27, Marine Joseph David Windall, Royal Marines, aged 22, and Ranger Anare Draiva, 1 Royal Irish Regiment, aged 27, from Fiji. Lance Corporal Jonathan Peter Hetherington, 14 Signal Regiment (Electronic Warfare), aged 22, from South Wales, Corporal Bryan James Budd, 3rd Battalion The Parachute Regiment, aged 29, from Ripon, Lance Corporal Sean Tansey, The Life Guards, aged 26, from Washington, Tyne and Wear, Private Leigh Reeves, Royal Logistics Corps, aged 25, from Leicester, Private Andrew Barrie Cutts, Air Assault Support Regiment, Royal Logistics Corps, aged 19, from Mansfield, Captain Alex Eida, Royal Horse Artillery, aged 29, from Surrey, Second Lieutenant Ralph Johnson, Household Cavalry Regiment, aged 24, from Windsor, Lance Corporal Ross Nicholls, Blues and Royals, aged 27, from Edinburgh, Private Damien Jackson, 3rd Battalion the Parachute Regiment, aged 19, from South Shields, Tyne and Wear, Corporal Peter Thorpe, Royal Signals, aged 27, from Barrow-in-Furness, Cumbria, Lance Corporal Jabron Hashmi, Intelligence Corps, aged 24, from Birmingham, and Captain David Patton, The Parachute Regiment, aged 38. Sergeant Paul Bartlett, Royal Marines, aged 35, Captain Jim Phillipson, 7 Parachute Regiment Royal Horse Artillery, aged 29, from St Albans, Hertfordshire, Lance Corporal Peter Edward Craddock, 1st Battalion The Royal Gloucestershire, Berkshire and Wiltshire Regiment, aged 31, Corporal Mark Cridge, 7 Signal Regiment, aged 25, Lance Corporal Steven Sherwood, 1st Battalion The Royal Gloucestershire, Berkshire and Wiltshire Light Infantry, aged 23, from Ross-on-Wye, Herefordshire, Private Jonathan Kitulagoda, The Rifle Volunteers, aged 23, from Clifton, Bedfordshire, Sergeant Robert Busuttil, the Royal Logistic Corps, Corporal John Gregory, the Royal Logistic Corps, and Private Darren John George, the Royal Anglian Regiment.

 

 

 

 

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