Dishonest John Swinney, James Dornan, and Liz Lloyd conspired and destroyed their colleague, SNP Minister Mark McDonald

01 Nov 2017: Witness A said that following the publication of her blogs James Dornan MSP, her boss, had been contacted by someone from SNP Party headquarters and without consulting her he copied the enquirer the private Twitter messages of 26 September 2016, which he had retained for over a year without her knowledge or permission. His actions fit the profile of senior officials of the SNP who retain information which they use later to bring to account officers and/or staff who might fall foul of the Party hierarchy.

02 Nov 2017: Mark was invited to attend a meeting with John Swinney and Liz Lloyd, to be informed that there had been “chatter” among Party members about him in relation to the “MeToo” movement.

03 Nov 2017: Lloyd convened a second meeting with Mark at which she showed him a copy of his messages to Miss A. She did not provide the name of the person that had supplied it to her. but she did say that a complaint that had been lodged against him by an SNP Party member. She advised him that his position as a minister of the government was no longer tenable and he would need to resign.

04 Nov 2017: Sturgeon telephoned Mark in the afternoon and told him he would be expected to resign from the Government.

05 Nov 2017: Mark resigned as minister for childcare and early years. He was suspended later by the SNP following receipt of undisclosed “new” information about his conduct.

07 Nov 2017: In a strange turn of events Sturgeon dismissed the notion that Mark should resign from Holyrood claiming that “Some may well have thought it was not serious enough to resign for.”

Comment: Mark’s resignation would have cleared the way for Alex to return to frontline politics since at that time his political standing was untarnished. Sturgeon needed to keep Mark in post until the “Get Salmond” strategy was in place.

16 Nov 2017: Mark was suspended by the SNP after a third complainer surfaced.

03 Dec 2017: The SNP compliance officer instituted an investigation. This was done by hiring a team of private investigators who reported their findigs on 03 Dec 2017.

05 Dec 2017: Mark was summoned to meet with representatives from the SNP following which they issued a “no further action” statement saying there was no criminality involved in the allegations against him.

Mark announced to the press that he had contacted the national secretary of the SNP, and the chief whip of the parliamentary group, to resign from the Party with immediate effect saying: “while at no stage was my behaviour in any way physically abusive, and while it was certainly not my intention to cause any upset, discomfort or offence to those concerned, it is clear through the concerns highlighted in the report that I have done so.” He went on the state that it was his intention to return to Holyrood to sit as an independent MSP until the next Holyrood election in 2021. He defended his decision to remain in his £62,000-a-year job claiming it to be “morally justified”.

Comment: Murrell in a statement to the Holyrood Inquiry stated that Party policy dictated the handling of complaints within the Party was the responsibility of the Party Executive and it did not share case details with any other organisation unless the complaint highlighted a “clear act of criminality”, and at no time in the Autumn of 2017 did the Party inform any Scottish Government civil servant or special advisor of a complaint by a Party member against a minister of the Government. His assertion doesn’t fit the conduct of Lloyd who contravened the ministerial code applicable to Special Advisors. She should have been dismissed.

11 Mar 2018: Mark said that releasing the report would “address a lot of misconceptions.” and said that as long as steps were taken to protect the identity of any women involved, he would be happy to see the report published. [But] if it was to be released, it would have to be done so in a redacted fashion, because people shouldn’t be identified or feel the need that they have to identify themselves.

Mark, who had undertaken counselling about his behaviour, said: “I don’t dispute that I behaved in a way that fell below the professional standards that should be expected of me, but if we are to say that people cannot make a mistake and then rehabilitate and return, what message are we sending out more widely? What are we saying about the concept of rehabilitation? Are we saying that it’s impossible?” Asked if he should be considered a sex pest, he said “I would hope not,” and followed up saying: “I want to show that my behaviour was not all that I am. One of the hardest parts of this is having a version of you held up in front of you that you don’t recognise as you. And it doesn’t tally with how you see yourself. And having to come to terms with the idea that maybe you’re wrong about yourself. And maybe other people see you very differently. I want to come back and demonstrate, yes to colleagues, yes to constituents, but also to my kids, that this wasn’t all that I was. That this wasn’t the sum of me, because otherwise this will be their truth.”

12 Mar 2018: James Dornan MSP, to the Convener of Standards, Procedures and Public Appointments Committee: I wish to lodge a formal complaint against a Member of the Scottish Parliament, namely Mark McDonald. I have a member of staff who was a targeted victim of harassment and sexual innuendo at the hands of this member. This member of staff would like to remain anonymous, if possible, to prevent any further hurt or distress.

My staff member first approached me to tell me of her distress at the end of 2016. I encouraged her to take it further but as Mark was a Government Minister at the time she was both afraid and anxious at the prospect. My staffer kept me informed of any contact from Mark and it was only at her insistence that I did not take this further.

Mark sent her highly inappropriate messages on social media, which my staff member immediately showed me. I also witnessed him show unwanted attention within the Parliament grounds on a number of occasions. On one occasion I had to leave an event I was hosting to escort my staff member to a waiting car as she was sure Mark was waiting for her. As we left the building he was standing close to the exit, and I have no doubt he was indeed waiting for her.

When the “Weinstein” allegations started to break my staff member reported Mark to the Scottish National Party. The change in the perceived public response to victims helped enable her to do so.

In July 2017 my staff member became so unwell due to stress she was admitted to Wishaw General Hospital with a stroke, she then spent several months rehabilitating and six months off of her work, which had a massive impact on my office and on her life. It would be wrong of me not to mention that she was under other extreme pressure, but this was compounded by Mark who should have known better and who, in my opinion, used his position to harass her.

The Party conducted an investigation, including an investigation into allegations from other staffers, and Mark resigned from the SNP, left the SNP parliamentary group and his position as a Government Minister.

However, Mark has now indicated that he will be returning to the Scottish Parliament. In my view having Mark in the same workplace as his victims would be clear negation of the duty of care that the parliament has to all its members of staff. In any other workplace I would expect my staff member to be protected from this kind of behaviour and the Scottish Parliament should be no exception.

12 Mar 2018: Dornan launched his bid to get Mark barred from Holyrood as an independent MSP with a public demand and press release demanding “speedy” action, arguing Mark’s presence at Holyrood would be a “clear negation” of the Parliament’s duty of care to staff he graphically told how Mark had bombarded one of his female employees with “inappropriate messages” and “unwanted attention “and described her as: “a targeted victim of harassment and sexual innuendo” who he had to escort from the Scottish Parliament because Mark “was waiting for her”. He went on to tell the press that the staff member “was very unwell due to stress” and had been admitted to hospital with a stroke. Clear breech of the “Code of Conduct” for MSP’s. Dornan’s actions denied Mark a fair hearing of the facts.

14 Mar 2018: Clare Haughey, Convenor of the Standards, Procedures and Public Appointments Committee issued a copy of her reply to Dornan: “We do not think it would be appropriate for the Standards, Procedures and Public Appointments Committee to undertake its own investigation since there is no procedure or precedent for the Committee to do so. While It is in no one’s interest that this matter becomes drawn out we understand that due process must be followed and this will take time regardless of who carries out the investigation. In referring the matter to the Commissioner for Ethical Standards in Public Life in Scotland the Committee is confident the Commissioner will recognise this.

16 Mar 2018: Complaint against Mark McDonald MSP: To: The Commissioner for Ethical Standards in Public Life in Scotland: From: Clare Haughey MSP, Convener, Standards, Procedures & Public Appointments Committee: In exercise of the powers conferred by section 12 of the Scottish Parliamentary Standards Commissioner Act 2002 (“the 2002 Act”), and by virtue of Rule 3A.2 of the Standing Orders of the Scottish Parliament the Standards, Procedures and Public Appointments Committee of the Scottish Parliament gives the following direction to the Commissioner for Ethical Standards in Public Life in Scotland: With reference to the attached letter of complaint, received from Mr James Dornan MSP dated 12th March 2018, alleging that a member of Mr Dornan’s staff was a targeted victim of harassment and sexual innuendo by Mr Mark McDonald MSP, that the Commissioner: Undertake an investigation into the complaint about the conduct of the member of the Parliament. Take into account any information which may relate to the complaint. Treat the complaint as admissible. Further, the relevant provisions which are to be treated as having been identified by the Commissioner for the purposes of the first test within section 6 of the 2002 Act are sections 7 (1) of the Code of Conduct for Members of the Scottish Parliament (“the Code”) including in particular section 7 (6) of the Code (and formerly sections 7.1.1 and 7.2.3 of the 6th edition of the Code in force from 29 April 2016 to 29 August 2017). Treat the complaint as having met all the requirements specified within section 6 (5) of the 2002 Act. MSP/2119/17-18/23 Appendix 1 The Committee look forward to receiving your Report at the conclusion of your, investigation.

Summary of Commissioners meeting with Witness A: Began working for James Dornan, MSP at the end of May 2016. Worked in Dornan’s constituency office on Mondays and Fridays and on other days in his office at the Scottish Parliament. Also an elected member of her local district council.

Described herself as a gregarious, outgoing and friendly person. However, sometime after she had taken up the role with Dornan, she had to deal with difficult issues due to her treatment by the local council and in the press and because of other issues which occurred in her own family.

Referred to social media links between party members as the means by which she first had any contact with Mark. She thought it would have been during the campaign for the Holyrood election in 2016, when Mark had been a candidate in the North East Region. It was much earlier than this.

There were occasional social media exchanges, originally on a public twitter feed. At some point there were direct messages between Mark and herself which were of a more private nature. She could not recall the point at which the direct messages began nor by whom they had been initiated. These did not cause her any particular concern, albeit that she had commented once or twice to Dornan that the respondent was “quite full on”.

Explained that she exchanged greetings with Mark at the Parliament, after the 2016 election, and that the direct messages became a bit more personal, both on Twitter and on one or the other’s Facebook page. She acknowledged that some were in response to messages she had posted about abuse which she had received in her local council role. This is a social contact relationship accident waiting to happen. A powder keg existence. Her stress levels appear to be off the chart.

After the 2016 election, Mark was appointed as the Minister for Childcare and Early Years, and Dornan was elected as Convener of the Education and Skills Committee. Explained that, in terms of the hierarchy within the party, this meant that Mark as a junior minister, was in a position which was significantly senior to her as a staffer.

Began to feel that Mark was being too friendly towards her, given his ministerial and family status. Although Mark and Dornan had offices in separate parts of the parliamentary estate, it was common for ministers, members and staffers to meet in the parliament’s ground floor restaurant or in the garden lobby. She formed the impression that Mark frequently appeared to be around when she was there.

Said she had received an email from Mark on 26 September 2016 asking if she wished to meet for coffee. An event was to be hosted that evening by Dornan on behalf of Colleges Scotland in the former Members’ Dining Room at the Parliament and she was under pressure with the added responsibilities for the event that evening. Having discussed the invitation with Dornan. Witness A declined. She had a feeling that it was not work related, and that it was “different” and she felt she was being pestered by Mark. Said that Mark had attended the event, but she could not recall any interaction with him. But Mark did not attend the meeting

Planned to walk to Waverley Station to catch a train home. However, when she went to leave, she said that she saw Mark in the garden lobby at the foot of the stairs leading down from the room where the event was being held. He was wearing a jacket and carrying a leather bag on his shoulder. She felt that Mark was waiting for her and she did not feel sufficiently secure to walk to the train station by herself. Too agitated to take a taxi. Aware that Dornan could not leave the event at that time. Contacted a friend and asked him to collect her from the parliament in his car. He contacted her some time later and said that he was parked across the road from the public entrance to the parliament. Could not recall precisely, but thought that around 20 minutes would have passed between her making contact and his arriving outside the parliament. Motherwell to Edinburgh in 20 minutes!!

Asked Dornan to accompany her to the car, which he did. She could not remember retrieving her belongings from Dornan’s office in the Members’ Block. She thought that Dornan might have fetched them for her. Said that on the way out of the parliament building with Dornan, they passed Mark who was loitering in the area at the foot of the stairs between the cash machine and the allowances desk which lead down from the room where the event took place. Said that Mark asked if she was leaving and going to the station, and that Dornan replied, frostily, that she was not. Said that Mark walked alongside her and Dornan to the turnstiles at the Canongate exit. Abject nonsense. Exposed as such in Dornan’s complaint

Explained that, at this point in her life, she was still under what she described as “mega pressure” in the council and in the media. Stressful existence holding down two jobs.

Said that later that evening, when she was at home, she received a direct twitter message from Mark saying “that’s twice you’ve dingyed me.” Dingyed: meaning: To be ignored. When someone says something and you ignore them they would say “dingyed” She did not reply, but received a further message from Mark saying that his phone had tried to autocorrect the previous message to “you’ve fingered me,” and adding “how awkward would that be?” Fingered me: A rude gesture in which the middle finger is extended upright and shown to another person to convey frustration, anger, contempt, etc. She felt that the message was testing her, to see how she would respond, and it caused her to burst into tears.

Was concerned that she had upset a government minister, a senior member of the Party. Forwarded them to Dornan then deleted them. She was unconcerned about any adverse reaction to her publicly posted letter to Jeremy Corbyn, the Labour Party leader. Said that Dornan phoned her and said that he intended to report Mark in respect of his behaviour towards her. She also made contact with a lawyer friend who said that she had to report it. However, she was not willing for any report to be made.

Said that she had no further contact with Mark until the SNP conference, later in the year. At the conference, she had moved an amendment to a motion which Mark had proposed, because she thought that she was right and she wanted to hurt him. Not very nice. Why did she wish to hurt him? Vindictive behaviour without good reason. Possibly stressed!!!

Said that Mark’s behaviour was different towards her in the Parliament’s garden lobby and restaurant after the evening of the Colleges Scotland event in that he appeared to be avoiding making contact with her. But wasn’t that what she wanted?

Expanded on the difficulties which she had been experiencing as a local councillor, including what she described as a smear campaign against her. She also referred to a specific, unfounded allegation which she considered was simply designed to discredit her. Stressful events.

Made reference to how she had been described in the press, for example, in terms of her glamorous appearance. There were also family issues. [These involve sensitive personal data, which are withheld, given that it may be made public at a later stage.] Stressful events.

Said that two complaints had been registered against her about alleged breaches of the local district Councillors’ Code of Conduct and these were being investigated at the time. Stressful events.

Said that as part of her recuperation she had gone abroad on what had been planned as a family trip. At that time, the allegations about Harvey Weinstein became public. She decided to write two blogs, about her own experience of sexual harassment in the council and in the parliament.

She also wrote an open letter to Jeremy Corbyn about her treatment by Labour councillors. She noted that Mark and others had been tweeting about how disgraceful the Harvey Weinstein situation was. Her conversion to the cause of the WOKE activists was swift and not unexpected. One of her children was transitioning at the time.

01 Nov 2017: Said that following publication of her blogs Dornan had been contacted by someone from SNP Party headquarters and without consulting her he copied the enquirer the messages of 26 September 2016, which he had retained for over a year without her knowledge or permission. His actions fit the profile of senior officials of the SNP who retain information which they use at a later date to bring to account officers and/or staff who might fall foul of the Party hierarchy.

Was contacted by an official from the SNP who asked if she wished to make a complaint and decided to do so. Someone at SNP headquarters was conducting a witch-hunt. Said she was aware that Mark had sent an apology to another woman, but she had only seen Mark’s public apology. Said that it would have gone a long way if he had sent an apology for the hurt which he had caused her, via Dornan or the Party, together with a commitment to avoid her. It was the absence of such an assurance that convinced her that she could not return to work at the parliament whilst Mark was there. But an apology or assurance was never requested from Mark.

14 and 21 Jun 2018: Commissioner for Ethical Standards in Public Life in Scotland: Decisions of the Standards, Procedures and Public Appointments Committee Committee: The Committee met to consider the findings of the Ethical Standards Commissioner to a complaint from James Dornan MSP about Mark McDonald MSP in which Dornan alleged that a female member of staff employed by him was a “targeted victim of harassment and sexual innuendo at the hands of” Mark:

Investigation and findings:

Witness B provided evidence to the SNP investigation indirectly, via a solicitor nominated by the SNP. She did not wish to participate in the investigation, except to confirm her agreement to the factual information set out in the report being disclosed. The facts were not disputed by Mark.

Witness B worked in Mark’s parliamentary office in a variety of roles both before and after his re-election in May 2016, but ceased to do so some weeks after his appointment as a minister.

Following the election and his appointment as a minister, the respondent decided to take a lease of a flat in Edinburgh. At the point at which a deposit was due to be paid, Mark said he was not in a position to pass across his card details or to make payment in person and he asked his assistant, Witness B, to make the payment on his behalf, intending to reimburse her. She agreed. The deposit of £476.14 was paid on 28 May 2016. This was reimbursed by the respondent on 21 June 2016.

Mark indicated that it was not uncommon for members’ staff to be asked to undertake tasks which were outside the scope of normal duties and he referred to the pressures which followed his ministerial appointment and to concurrent family health issues in respect of the delay in making payment. However, he accepted that it had been wrong to ask his member of staff to pay the deposit on his behalf. He also acknowledged that, having done so, he ought to have reimbursed her sooner. Mark regretted his actions and advised that he had issued a written apology to Witness B following the investigation of the complaint by the SNP.

12 Mar 2018: Married Jamie Hepburn, MSP, was implicated in the privately conducted SNP investigation into allegations of harassment against Mark. Reports were that at the Party’s 2015 Xmas function Hepburn was embroiled in a tryst with Witness B, an SNP staffer,

Witness B, a young lady who was over 10 years his junior was witnessed leaving the party with Hepburn. They were gone for a considerable period. Witness B was a vulnerable young party researcher and it was inappropriate for Hepburn, a married government minister, to have been romantically involved with her. Witness B later slept overnight in Mark’s room and though there was no suggestion anything happened between them rumours persisted.

Witnesses to the events that evening confirmed the accuracy of the allegations to the SNP investigators during their evidence gathering in support of Witness B’s allegation against Mark.

Witness B, when interviewed by private investigators contracted by the SNP, said her overnight stay in Mark’s bedroom after the 2015 Xmas party had been uneventful and there was no cause to register a complaint against Mark. She spoke to Hepburn later and he suggested she shouldn’t mention it to anyone. Hepburn was subsequently summoned to attend a meeting with very senior SNP people .

The SNP produced a dossier which was sent to Bill Thomson, the Commissioner for Ethical Standards in Public Life in Scotland for decision. The damming information about Hepburn’s involvement was whitewashed from the probe and not included in the dossier.

Witness B, preferred to provide evidence to the Commissioner through an SNP contracted solicitor prompting the Commissioner to comment: “ Witness B did not wish to participate in this investigation except to confirm her agreement to the factual information set out in this report being disclosed.”

The only information on her complaint related to a deposit on a flat of £ 476.14 that McDonald asked her to pay for him in May 2016 but failed to reimburse for a further three weeks. The Standards Commissioner’s investigation ultimately found that McDonald ’s conduct towards Witness B had “showed a lack of respect” over the flat deposit.

The absence of judgement on Hepburn’s tryst with Witness B or any comment on the allegation of harassment by Mark that triggered the SNP investigation lead to the conclusion that Hepburn’s role in events had not been included in the dossier for political purposes. Thomson’s report singularly addressed the incident in which Mark was a bit lax in failing to pay loan of money back to “Witness B”. The Commissioner’s opinion being that Mark had shown Witness B a “lack of respect”. An unbelievable comment on a matter so trivial its inclusion rendered the allegation against to a farcical level and made with the knowledge that Mark had been under severe stress a the time he was waiting on and being informed his father had terminal cancer.

Witness A was employed by James Dornan MSP as office manager from the end of May 2016. She is a member of the SNP and was also an elected member of the local district Council a post she gave up at the time of the 2017 election.

The evidence given by Witness A and by Mark indicates that contacts between them began on public social media pages around the time of the 2016 Holyrood election campaign. Mark thought that the contact began in late 2015.

At some stage, which neither party could pinpoint given the passage of time, they also began to exchange private messages on twitter or Facebook. In his evidence Dornan described this as “fairly innocent stuff”.

Witness A stated that, after the initial public exchanges, there were direct messages between her and Mark which were of a more private nature. She could not recall by whom they had been initiated. She advised that these did not cause her any particular concern albeit that she commented to Dornan that some of the respondent’s messages seemed ‘quite full on’. There was no evidence suggesting that these early exchanges involved inappropriate behaviour on the part of Mark.

Dornan described Witness A as being very friendly, and said that she was always interacting with people on social media. Witness A described herself as gregarious, outgoing and friendly.

Mark was aware that Witness A had an interest in matters concerning children and early years, which was his ministerial remit. He considered that it was appropriate for him, as the responsible minister, to seek to discuss these matters with another interested, elected representative.

Mark had been due to speak at a conference in Inverness on the morning of Friday, 30 September 2016. His plan was to travel from Inverness to Glasgow by train and stay the night there ahead of speaking at an early years conference in Glasgow the following morning.

He recollected a discussion with Witness A on private social media about the possibility of meeting up for a drink in Glasgow after work on the Friday. He advised that Witness A had declined on the basis that she would be attending a fund raising event in her local area.

Witness A said that she had become concerned that Mark was becoming too friendly towards her. Dornan said that he had been aware of Witness A’s concern that Mark was persisting in making approaches to her, and was “not taking the hint”.

This appears to have been based in part on Witness A’s impression that Mark frequently appeared to be present when she was in common parts of the Parliament, such as the ground floor restaurant or the Garden Lobby.

Witness A said that Mark’s behaviour towards her in these areas of the Parliament was markedly different after the events of 27 September 2016.

However, neither Dornan nor Witness A was able to identify any specific incidents or behaviours which stood out in this context. I do not, therefore, consider that I can give any weight to this aspect of the complaint.

Witness A said that, at some point during the day on 27 September 2016, Mark sent an email asking if she would like to meet for a coffee at the Parliament. This was not disputed by Mark, although he was unable to trace the email containing the invitation.

He said that it was common for members and staff to be gathered in the Garden Lobby area of the Parliament, having discussions over tea or coffee. Given that both he and Witness A had an interest in the same areas of policy and practice, he saw nothing exceptional in seeking to catch up in that way.

Witness A said she found the invitation to be intrusive, in the context of her growing concern about Mark’s apparent persistence. She felt pestered by Mark. It is not clear from the evidence whether Witness A replied to the invitation. Mark’s recollection was that he had contacted Witness A on a number of occasions on that day suggesting that they should meet for a coffee. However, neither Witness A nor Mark had made reference in their evidence to multiple contacts on that day.

Dornan was due to host an event at the Parliament on the evening of 27 September 2016. The event was for Colleges Scotland and was held in the Members’ Room, which is situated on the first floor of the Parliament building. The event began at 6 pm, and Witness A attended along with Dornan.

Witness A advised that her intention had been to leave the event and walk from the Parliament to Waverley station to catch a train home. However, at some point during the evening, she formed the opinion that Mark was waiting in the Garden Lobby with the intention of intercepting her as she left the building.

Witness A did not wish that to happen, and became agitated. She stated that she did not feel confident to leave the building on her own and walk to the station, nor even to take a taxi. Witness A contacted a friend and asked him to collect her in his car and drive her home. He agreed. Dornan later escorted Witness A from the Parliament building to the waiting car and she was driven home.

Mark’s version of what happened that evening is that, after Decision Time at approximately 5 pm, he went back to his office in the Ministerial Tower. He attended to some ministerial correspondence, then left the office and went down the stairs which lead to a lobby area outside the entrance to the Members’ Room. He had no reason to go in to the event, and did not do so.

Mark said that he then went down the stairs to the Garden Lobby, and crossed it to go to the bar, in order to see if any of his backbench colleagues were there. Finding that there were none, he claims that he walked back across the Garden Lobby, left the Parliament building, and returned to his flat. He denies that he waited, or skulked, in the Garden Lobby area.

Mark recalled passing Witness A on the stairs between the first floor and the Garden Lobby, as he was heading down towards the bar. Mark said that they had a brief conversation in which Witness A asked how he was getting on, and about his ministerial work.

He thought that something might have been said about not having managed to meet up for coffee. The evidence given by Dornan and Witness A about the circumstances surrounding the Colleges Scotland event is inconsistent. This is perhaps not surprising, given that it occurred some 18 months before the complaint was submitted.

Witness A gave evidence to the effect that Mark attended the event in the Members’ Room but that she did not speak to him other than possibly to say “Hi”. Dornan could not recall if Mark did attend. Mark denied that he attended.

Witness A said that she saw Mark in the Garden Lobby area, and that he was wearing a jacket and carrying a leather bag on his shoulder. She claims to have seen him from the event. However, that is not physically possible. In order to be able to see someone in the Garden Lobby area, it would be necessary to exit from the Members’ Room, walk a short distance across the lobby area outside the room and look or walk down the stairs which lead to the Garden Lobby.

Witness A was uncertain as to the time which elapsed between her making contact with the friend who came to collect her and the point at which he did so. She estimated that it must have been about 20 minutes.

Witness A claims that the respondent was skulking in the Garden Lobby area, between the cash machine and the Allowances desk, throughout that period. The friend who drove to the Parliament to collect Witness A recalled clearly that he was at, or just leaving, Motherwell station when he received her request. His view was that it would have taken approximately 45 minutes to drive from there to the Parliament.

Witness A was accompanied by Dornan when she left the Parliament building. Her evidence was that they passed Mark on their way out. In fact, she said that he walked alongside them for the short distance between the Parliament’s Pass holders’ exit and the turnstiles at the foot of the Canongate. Witness A recalled that Mark spoke to them as they were leaving the building, and asked if she was going to the station. She did not respond but she said that Dornan did so, frostily.

Dornan recalled that they had had to walk past Mark, who was waiting inside the Parliament building. He said that he had been asked by Witness A not to say anything to Mark. He was not certain if Mark had said anything as they passed. Witness A recalled that the car was parked across the road from the public entrance to the Parliament building, outside Holyrood Palace. That accords with her friend’s recollection.

Dornan was less clear in his evidence as to where the car was parked. Mark denied that he saw or spoke to Dornan that evening. I have concluded that there was a lapse of approximately 45 minutes between Witness A making contact with her friend and his arriving to collect her. There is no evidence to support Witness A’s assertion that Mark was waiting, or skulking, in the Garden Lobby area throughout the period between her making contact with her friend and leaving the Parliament building. I considered that for Mark to have done so would have amounted to quite exceptional behaviour. I have therefore concluded, on the balance of probabilities having regard to the evidence available to me, that Mark did not wait for an extended period of time in the Garden Lobby area of the Parliament for Witness A to leave the Colleges Scotland event. Similarly, the evidence led me to conclude that Mark did not attend the Colleges Scotland event in the Members’ Dining Room. My conclusion is supported by the fact that none of the photographs of the event, which are available on the Colleges Scotland website, show the respondent being in attendance. Given his status as a minister, I would have expected him to feature, had he been there. I do not doubt that Witness A saw Mark that evening. Nonetheless, her recollection in relation to when and where she saw him cannot be reconciled with my conclusion that mark did not attend the Colleges Scotland Event and the physical impossibility of observing the area in which it is alleged that Mark loitered from the Members’ Room. The evidence suggests that Witness A could not, therefore, have observed Mark at, or from, the event except possibly fleetingly as he passed on his way down from the Ministerial Tower. Mark’s description of his meeting with Witness A that evening was that they met, and had a brief conversation, on the stairs. I noted that Witness A stated in her evidence that, when she saw Mark, he was wearing a jacket and carrying a leather bag. She said that her belongings must have been collected at some point in the evening from Dornan’s office in the Members’ Block, but she could not recall if or how she had done so. The most direct route between the Members’ Room and Dornan’s office is via the stairs and the Garden Lobby. If Witness A did retrieve her belongings from the Members’ Block, it is therefore quite possible that she passed Mark on the stairs leading to and from the Garden Lobby. That would also be consistent with the limited timings which can be established. These are that: the event started at 6 pm; Witness A contacted her friend at approximately 6.30 pm and was collected by him approximately 45 minutes later. On balance, in the light of all of the evidence available to me, I prefer Mark’s explanation of his meeting with Witness A that evening. There is then a question as to whether Mark spoke to Witness A and to Dornan as they left the building. Mark denied that he had done so. Dornan said that he and Witness A had had to walk past Mark, but that he could not recall Mark speaking to them. Witness A recalled Mark speaking and Dornan responding to him in frosty terms. I considered, given the circumstances, that it would have been strange for there to have been no conversation, if indeed they had passed in close proximity. In the light of the contradictory evidence of Dornan and Witness A, and Mark’s denial, I have been unable to reach a conclusion as to whether Mark was present at the point when Dornan and Witness A left the Parliament building. However, even if Mark was present and did walk to the turnstiles with Dornan and Witness A, there is no evidence to suggest that either did or said anything inappropriate at the time.

Witness A said she had received message from Mark at 19.51 which she opened and read when she got home from the event at the Parliament building on 27 September 2016. Mark does not dispute that he sent them. He does not have a record of any messages received by him as part of an exchange of which they might have formed part. In the absence of any contrary evidence, I have concluded on the balance of probabilities that the messages were sent on the evening of 27 September 2016. Witness A said that the messages caused her considerable upset, and that she burst into tears on reading them. She said that she was under “mega pressure” at the time and she convinced herself that the messages had been sent to test her reaction. At the same time was concerned that she had angered a government minister whose responsibilities were relevant to the committee of which Dornan was convener.

Mark claimed that the messages represented misguided humour on his part, referring to a couple of failed attempts to meet up with Witness A. He said that there was no malice on his part, nor any intention to engage in any form of innuendo. However, he accepted that the messages caused hurt, and acknowledged that there could be a distinction between intention and interpretation. He had recognised the problem, and for that reason had taken the decision to resign as a minister and issue an apology.

The reference in the second of the three messages to being “dingyed” twice supports Witness A’s evidence that she had rejected his attempts to arrange a meeting, and that she found them unwelcome. There is clearly an element of sexual innuendo in the third message. Even if the messages were a clumsy attempt at humour on the part of Mark, they were wholly inappropriate. Mark accepted that. Witness A said that she forwarded the messages to Dornan that evening. Dornan’s evidence was that he was furious, and wanted to confront Mark. However, he did not, because Witness A did not want him to take that course of action. Mark challenged Dornan’s interpretation of events, on the basis of a light hearted public social media exchange between him and the complainer later on the evening of 27 September 2016. Whilst I have no doubt that Witness A did forward the messages to Dornan this was on an unspecified date as it was he who provided them to the investigation.

Dornan makes reference to Witness A being admitted to hospital with a stress induced “stroke” in July 2017. and refers to Witness A being “under other extreme pressure” at the time, and alleges that this was compounded by Mark’s harassment of Witness A. Witness A provided more detail about the deterioration in her health which led to her being hospitalised in June 2017, and the factors which she considered had contributed to her condition. It was identified by medical staff as an extreme reaction to stress. The factors included difficulties which she had experienced in her role as an elected member of Council, including two complaints to the convenors office about her conduct, family circumstances, and the way in which she had been portrayed in the media. It is clear that Witness A was subject to pressures in more than one area of her life. However, I am not in a position to make any judgement as to the extent to which the conduct of Mark, or Witness A’s perception of it, contributed to the impact of those pressures on her health.

Mark expressed surprise that no earlier attempt was made to raise with him the concerns of Dornan or of Witness A. He drew attention to the social media exchange with Dornan late in the evening of 27 September 2016. He noted that Dornan continued to behave towards him in a friendly manner in the Parliament after that evening. Mark also made specific reference to the day of the Scottish Cup Final in Glasgow between Celtic and Aberdeen, on 27 May 2017. His evidence was that Dornan collected him from the hotel, and they campaigned together in East Renfrewshire, before Dornan drove him back to Hampden Park for the match, all on an apparently friendly basis. It does appear that the relationship between Dornan and Mark was cordial which somewhat weakens the evidence he gave earlier.

Conclusions: Section 7.2.3 of the 6th edition of the Code is headed Treatment of Staff and includes a statement that: “Complaints from staff of bullying or harassment, including any allegation of sexual harassment, or any other inappropriate behaviour on the part of members will be taken seriously and investigated.” The provision clearly applies to the staff of MSPs. However, there is no definition of “harassment”. I have therefore had regard to the definition set out in section 26 of the Equality Act 2010. The Committee is unanimous in the decisions reached on the complaint.

Firstly, it agrees with both the findings in fact and the conclusion of the Commissioner that Mark failed to treat one witness with respect, and that his conduct towards her involved sexual harassment, and that he also failed to treat a second witness with respect in relation to a financial matter. The Committee agrees with the Commissioner’s finding that both behaviours were in breach of the Code of Conduct for MSPs. Secondly, the Committee considers that the breaches justify the imposition of sanctions on Mark. While the Committee’s role in the complaints process is specifically focused on considering the Commissioner’s findings in fact and conclusion, the Committee would also like to comment more generally on the nature of the complaint. The Zero Tolerance statement agreed by the Presiding Officer, the Chief Executive and the party leaders on 12 June 2018 provides clear definitions of sexist behaviour and sexual harassment and makes it clear that these behaviours do not belong in the Parliament. The Committee fully endorses this statement. In the Committee’s recent report on sexual harassment and inappropriate behaviour the Committee identified a number of potential areas in which the Code of Conduct could be strengthened and the Committee will pursue these revisions in the coming parliamentary year.

Decisions: The Committee looked at the full range of sanctions available to the Parliament and agreed that the sanctions placed on Mark should send a clear signal about the seriousness of his conduct, but should not have a financial impact on his staff nor unduly impact on his ability to represent his constituents. Mark was excluded from proceedings of the Parliament for a period of one month. His salary for the month was withheld and he was barred from Holyrood for one month.

Afternote: An explicit provision in the Code of Conduct states that Members must not disclose, communicate or discuss any complaint or intention to make a complaint to or with members of the press or other media prior to the lodging of the complaint or during Stage 1 and 2 of the procedure for dealing with complaints. The Convener had issued a reminder of this provision in her statement on 08 March 2018 and said that proper processes must be observed in order to ensure a robust outcome so that the Commissioner and the Committee would be enabled to carry out their work without any external interference or influences and the Committee considered it unacceptable that the confidentiality requirements had been blatantly flouted more than once during the course of the investigations. This was disrespectful to the process and those involved, as well as to the Committee and the Parliament. A matter of concern is that before the Committee had even seen the Commissioner’s report, its findings had been released to and discussed with the media, by James Dornan MSP.

Noteworthy is that the complaint notified to the Committee by Dornan was not upheld since it had been compiled in collaboration with Witness A nearly 18 months after the alleged events. In a short statement Mark said: “The manner in which Dornan chose to publicise his complaint, and make lurid allegations against me, has had a significant and lasting impact upon my personal mental health and wellbeing, and has affected my family. I am grateful that his allegations were not upheld, as I have always denied them.

Summary of Commissioner’s interview with Mark McDonald, MSP

Mark confirmed that he was first elected to the Scottish Parliament in 2011, to represent the North East Scotland Region. In 2013 he stood down to contest the Aberdeen Donside seat, for which he was elected in June of that year and re-elected in May 2016. He is a dedicated advocate for individuals on the autistic spectrum, leading members debates on the issue and asking questions of the Scottish Government. He has been a member of the Scotland Advisory Committee of the National Autistic Society and a trustee of the charity, Friendly Access, which looks to create a more accessible environment for individuals with sensory disabilities. He has been a member of many committees in the parliament, but most recently sat on the Finance Committee and the Devolution & Further Powers Committee. In addition, he served on a number of Cross Party Groups (CPGs) including Oil & Gas, Carers, Epilepsy and Mental Health (which he co-convened). He served as a Parliamentary Liaison Officer to the Deputy First Minister, John Swinney having previously been Parliamentary Liaison Officer to Alex Salmond during his tenure as First Minister. A very busy politician dedicated to bettering the existence of children in need and those with sensory disabilities.

On 20 May 2016, he received a phone call from the First Minister’s office asking him to attend at Bute House the following day. He was then invited to become Minster for Childcare and Early Years. Mark then had to move parliamentary office, from the Members’ Block to the Ministerial Tower. Mark had leased a flat on Royal Park Terrace from 2013, which he had to terminate following a leak from the upstairs property which brought down the bathroom ceiling. He moved to serviced apartments near the parliament which were not to his liking.

His election to office in 2016 prompted him to find better accommodation a task not made easier since his appointment as a minister of government entailed significant time consuming commitments. Mark’s parliamentary assistant offered to assist with the search and securing of a flat and she was happy to attend the installation of broadband in the flat. When it came to paying the fee, Mark said he was not in a position to make the payment physically, or in person and asked his assistant to make payment on her credit card, which he would then reimburse. She agreed to do this and the payment was made at the end of May 2016. He repaid the loan 3 weeks later, on 21 June 2016.

Mark said he regretted the incident and acknowledged that he should not have asked his staff member to pay the fee and that, having done so, the repayment should have been made sooner.

In mitigation, Mark explained that his father had been undergoing tests at the time which resulted in a diagnosis of terminal cancer and whilst he did not offer that the request he had made was normal, he did say that it was common practice for MSP’s to ask their staff to do things outside the normal scope of their duties, Mark added that he had made a written apology to the person concerned following an investigation by the SNP.

In terms of social contact with Witness A following the election in 2016, Mark said that Witness A was an elected local district councillor with a keen interest in the area of children and young people for which he had ministerial responsibility and they had and they communicated openly and regularly on these matters and before his promotion they had also regularly indulged in more relaxed conversations on social media. He provided copies of twitter exchanges from May to July 2016 and explained that he no longer had copies of earlier exchanges. He and Witness A also conversed in person at a number of events, such as an SNP conference in Aberdeen in 2015.

He went on to explain that following his ministerial appointment in 2016, he had been interested in speaking to elected representatives at local council level (she was an elected local councillor) with an interest in the agenda for children and young people, formally or informally, about alignment of policy and approaches and Witness A had expressed a willingness to participate but she was employed as a staffer for another MSP and it would be inappropriate to take her away from her duties to facilitate discussions. They circumvented the problem by routinely meeting for coffee in the garden lobby area and whilst he had no recollection of the arrangement that would have been the nature of any approach and invitation for coffee, had there been one.

Regarding the alleged incident at the Colleges Scotland event in the parliament in September 2016, Mark said that the allegation that had been suggested to him at the time he was interviewed by the SNP investigation officers related to his alleged behaviour in connection with an equality network event hosted by Mr Dornan in November 2016. There was no such event. Mark said that he had advised the SNP investigators that he had a recollection of an occasion when he had met Witness A on the stairs leading to the garden lobby at the parliament but he was adamant he did not attend the Colleges Scotland event in September 2016.

On reviewing his diary, he noted that on that day he had a number of ministerial meetings in the course of the day but had nothing booked for the evening. After Decision Time at the parliament he had done what he normally did and went up to his office to work through his ministerial papers. He was also scheduled to lead an important debate on early learning and child care later in the week and he spent time preparing for this.

At the conclusion of that period, he left the office and went down the stairs from the ministerial tower, coming out by the lift next to the members’ restaurant, where the College Scotland event was in process. He did not go into the event, because he was not required to be there and he had no indication that anyone from his constituency would be attending or wished to speak to him.

He proceeded to the stairs leading to the garden lobby and met witness A who was coming up the stairs to the event. He recalled a very brief but cordial conversation in passing, to the effect that they would not be able to meet for coffee which they had discussed earlier due to her other duties.

Mark referred to the SNP Conference in March 2017 at which he and Witness A spoke on the platform together on a resolution in relation to child care, on which he was leading and in which she had an interest. He said that Witness A later messaged him on an open social media channel to ask about the policy of the SNP government on a child care issue, as an example of Witness A’s willingness to engage with him some months after the events alleged to have taken place in September 2016.

He also referred again to the debate in the Parliament in which he was leading and said that he sent messages to Dornan and all the other contributors to the debate, congratulating them on their good speeches. He said that Dornan responded positively and he had continued to be cordial afterwards.

Providing evidence of this Mark said In May 2017, he travelled to Glasgow for the Scottish Cup final match between Aberdeen and Celtic. Dornan collected him from his hotel in Glasgow and drove him to East Renfrewshire, where they campaigned together. Dornan then drove him to Hampden for the match. At no time did Dornan mention any problem or issue between them. He provided photographs from the day as proof of the good relationship he referred to.

Mark said he was disappointed that Dornan has not raised the allegations with him providing the opportunity to correct his behaviour as provided for in the procedures set out in the Code of Conduct for MSPs which required an approach to business managers or to the Parliament’s HR department if there were concerns about about the treatment of staff.

Mark accepted that he had sent an unsolicited but not unusual twitter message to Witness A. He said that its content was a poor attempt at humour referring to their failed attempts to get together. There was no malice, nor any attempt to engage in any form of innuendo. However, he accepted that it had been received in a way which did not match the intent.

He was first given sight of the message which he had previously deleted, on 04 November 2017 when he was shown it by Liz Lloyd who told him she has been told to instruct him to offer his resignation from his minister post immediately. Confronted with the evidence he did so.

In regard to the timing of the message he could not confirm the date he sent it since it was not date stamped but the SNP investigation team alleged he had sent it in November 2016.

Giving the matter further thought Mark said he recollected a twitter exchange with Witness A in the last week of September 2016 in which they discussed the possibility of meeting up in Glasgow the next weekend, when he would be addressing an early years conference. After speaking at a conference in Inverness on Friday, 30 September 2016 Mark anticipated travelling by train and staying overnight in Glasgow where he would have some free time before the conference scheduled for the Saturday morning.

Witness A had declined the invitation because she had a fund raising event in her local area. Mark said that he had not made any approach to Witness A with nefarious intent. There had been many friendly twitter exchanges between them both in private messages and on public social media.

Mark also produced copies of what he described were humorous exchanges on social media in public between him Dornan on 23 July 2017 and a thank you from Dornan for Mark standing in for him at an event at the SNP conference in October 2017.

He also referred to items on social media in June 2017 which confirmed that Witness A had not, in fact, suffered a stroke, to material allocating blame for her condition to three other causes, and in September 2017 showing her return to work at the Parliament and drew attention to reports in the Daily Record and the Daily Telegraph on 09 November 2017, following his ministerial resignation, in which Witness A was quoted as commenting on people’s behaviour changing but made no reference to his behaviour towards her going beyond the messages nor to his behaviour contributing towards the health episode as now alleged. Whilst he was not seeking to diminish the health issues, nor to avoid responsibility for his actions, Mark did not consider that he should have to take responsibility for matters in which he had no involvement.

Mark had issued two written apologies. One to Witness B which had been accepted. And the other to Witness A in which he had accepted and regretted that he had let his standards fall in relation to his relationship with her, meeting the requirement she had requested of him in her complaint to the SNP.

He further explained that had apologised for any upset and hurt which had arisen as a result of his behaviour, and also to say that his intention was to demonstrate through his future conduct that he had changed as a result. He added that, until very recently, he had mistakenly thought that he enjoyed positive relationships on a personal level. The realisation of how he was perceived had been hurtful and had forced a period of reflection on what he could do to change that perception.

August 2018: Mark issued a press release advising his intent to leave politics at the end of the present parliament. He wrote: “It has been one of the greatest privileges of my life to have had the opportunity to represent the constituency of Aberdeen Donside, and prior to that the North East of Scotland region, in the Scottish Parliament. “I grew up in, and live in, the constituency I represent and thus it has always had an importance to me, which I have sought to emphasise through my advocacy on behalf of constituents and communities. “I am, however, acutely aware that none of these achievements will be the things which people will associate with me, and that my time in office will forever be defined by the mistakes I have made, and for which I have paid a significant and lasting price. When I returned to parliament in 2018, I made it clear that I would demonstrate through my conduct that I had reflected upon the errors of judgement I had made in my interactions with people, where I had misunderstood how the power dynamics as a government minister, or MSP, could lead to interactions being perceived differently by those who I had regarded as friends or colleagues. I hope that I have been able to demonstrate such change. I will have to live forever with consequences of those mistakes and the upset that they caused, and it is appropriate for me to reiterate here the apologies I have made before. I continue to seek to make right the things I got wrong. I am also acutely aware that any election campaign in which I played a part would be one which would focus far less on the important issues which affect the communities I represent, and would instead be one defined around my presence. I believe the constituents and communities of Aberdeen Donside deserve a range of candidates whose sole focus is on how they can improve the life circumstances of those they represent, and while that is the primary motivation which I have to do the job, I recognise that for it to be a reality I cannot be one of those candidates. After speaking to those closest to me to make them aware of my decision, I am taking the opportunity to formally announce that I shall be stepping down from parliament at the 2021 election. I shall continue for the next twelve months, as I have done since my first day in the job, to represent the communities of this constituency to the best of my ability, and I look forward to continuing to meet constituents and organisations to enable their voices to be heard.”

08 Mar 2020: In a press interview Mark said he considered committing suicide shortly after his suspension from the SNP in November 2017 and again four months later in March 2018. He said: “After my suspension ended and I returned to work there seemed to be a mentality among some MSPs that I should have been given a harsher punishment. I never said my conduct did not merit any sanction and I duly served the punishment. I had hoped that since I demonstrated that I truly reflected on my behaviour and hoped that most people who encountered me would say I was not the person I was in 2017. But in coming back to parliament, I felt I was being punished multiple times for the same thing. I haven’t spoken about this before but recent events have made me feel like we can’t carry on with this culture where people can’t atone for their mistakes. At Holyrood we talk a good game about these things. I haven’t seen any of it from within the SNP with a few honourable exceptions.”

It’s Madhouse time again – Mad “Maggie” Chapman will return to Holyrood in May, following her reselection for Aberdeen and North East Scotland

Mad “Maggie” Chapman

She is a danger warn’s STEPHEN DAISLEY:

Maggie Chapman is a political horror show who would embarrass a parliament more worthy of the name

I have spent longer than I care to remember documenting the ineptitudes and inadequacies of the Scottish Parliament.

I have spent longer than I care to remember documenting the ineptitudes and inadequacies of the Scottish Parliament.

Years upon years given to gathering evidence of the sundry ways in which an over-sold institution has under-delivered — and then some.

Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of columns marshalling my case that devolution was a historic error and that, far from closing the ‘democratic deficit’, it has rent open a new chasm between the Scottish public and a remote, unaccountable elite at Holyrood.

A life’s work.

And along comes Maggie Chapman and makes my job obsolete.

Because who needs me to point out the absurdity of a parliament to which Chapman is capable of getting elected?

Who needs to be told that Holyrood’s committee system is weak, ineffectual and unfit for purpose when Chapman is not only a member of the equalities, human rights and civil justice committee but its deputy convenor?

Chapman is not some oddity who wandered in off the street. She is the living, breathing, rainbow-lanyarded embodiment of devolution and its elevation of a class of self-righteous mediocrities and self-deluding cranks who believe they can solve world peace when they can’t even solve A&E waiting times.

Ultra-woke Green MSP Maggie Chapman is refusing to back down over comments she made describing a Supreme Court ruling on gender as ‘bigotry’ and ‘hatred’

Ultra-woke Green MSP Maggie Chapman is refusing to back down over comments she made describing a Supreme Court ruling on gender as ‘bigotry’ and ‘hatred’

The Scottish Green MSP will face an attempt this week to remove her as deputy convenor. The Conservatives want her gone for her outrageous comments on the Supreme Court in the wake of its landmark ruling clarifying that ‘sex’ in the Equality Act 2010 refers to biological sex.

At a rally of gender activists in Edinburgh, Chapman decried the ‘bigotry, prejudice and hatred that we see coming from the Supreme Court’.

I’m with the Tories on this one: Maggie, Maggie, Maggie — out, out out.

And not just the Tories. The Faculty of Advocates issued a rare statement denouncing her ‘appalling comments’ as ‘outrageous’ as well as ‘irresponsible and reprehensible’.

The legal professionals’ association accused Chapman of ‘fail[ing] to respect the rule of law’, ‘creat[ing] a risk of danger to the members of the Court’, and even ‘an egregious breach’ of the law. The Judiciary and Courts (Scotland) Act 2008 says members of the Holyrood parliament ‘must uphold the continued independence of the judiciary’.

The Faculty has called her comments ‘incompatible’ with her continued role as deputy convenor.

There are some who view this as a freedom of speech issue, and it’s important to address that charge.

Judges should not be above reproach. In an open society, people must be at liberty to critique, decry, mock and insult all aspects of the state, and that includes the courts.

Ms Chapman also shared a tweet from another X user that read: ¿Don¿t let the Western media fool you into thinking it¿s terrorism, this is decolonisation¿ in the wake of the October 7 rape and slaughter of Israeli civilians by Palestinian terrorists

Ms Chapman also shared a tweet from another X user that read: ‘Don’t let the Western media fool you into thinking it’s terrorism, this is decolonisation’ in the wake of the October 7 rape and slaughter of Israeli civilians by Palestinian terrorists

That goes for a member of the public just as much as a renowned legal scholar. If anything, we are a little too delicate about adverse commentary on the judiciary, who are a more resilient lot than they’re given credit for.

The difference here is that Chapman is an MSP and, what’s more, deputy convenor of a committee intimately involved in equalities legislation. She has obligations under the 2008 Act. Still, in the view of this layman, these obligations should not preclude MSPs from critiquing judgments.

Criticising court rulings does not imperil the independence of the judiciary where those criticisms relate to the proper application of the law and are expressed in measured, respectful tones.

If Chapman believed the Court had erred in its interpretation of, say, the Sex Discrimination Regulations 1999, and had said so in those terms, there would have been none of this furore.

Instead, she attacked the motivations of the justices in the most incendiary way possible.

Words have meaning and the meaning of the words she used is difficult to dispute.

The Cambridge English Dictionary defines bigotry as ‘the fact of having and expressing strong, unreasonable beliefs and disliking other people who have different beliefs or a different way of life’.

Similarly, it describes prejudice as ‘an unfair and unreasonable opinion or feeling, especially when formed without enough thought or knowledge’.

As for hatred, it is ‘an extremely strong feeling of dislike’.

Each term identifies the Court with instincts and biases that are at odds with a judicial temperament. To use such language against Lord Hodge and his colleagues is to imply they were not interpreting statutes but substituting their own personal, hateful preferences. They were, in effect, discriminating against trans people from the bench purely because they don’t like them.

Every MSP who votes to keep Chapman on as deputy convenor is endorsing this character assassination. They are saying that this is acceptable behaviour in politics, that their committee aspires to the lofty discursive heights of an ill-tempered Facebook post.

They are also setting a precedent for parliamentarians to speak in similar terms about court judgments they disfavour. An MSP who accuses judges of a ‘two-tier’ approach to sentencing could expect a scolding from the Faculty of Advocates, but no one who backs Chapman would have any standing to do likewise.

Lower standards for your mates, and you lower them for your foes, too.

Maggie Chapman is not worth lowering your standards for. She is a political horror show who would embarrass a parliament more worthy of the name.

In response to the October 7 attack on Israel, she shared a tweet from another X user that read: ‘Don’t let the Western media fool you into thinking it’s terrorism, this is decolonisation.’ October 7 saw Palestinian terrorists slaughter 1,200 Israelis, including children, while also raping women, kidnapping babies, and shooting family pets. Chapman later expressed ‘regret’ that her soft-peddling of the worst single-day massacre of Jews since the Shoah caused ‘significant upset and anger for some’.

She supported a 2022 Scottish Green motion to suspend ties with the Green Party of England and Wales over its supposed ‘transphobic rhetoric and conduct’.

Asked whether the age limit should be lowered to allow eight-year-olds to change their sex legally, she said: ‘I think in principle we should be exploring that.’

When Pam Gosal objected to LGBT Youth Scotland promoting ‘trans ideology’ in primary schools, Chapman said the Tory MSP’s complaint was ‘categorically more of a risk to children’.

Chapman was born in what is now Harare, Zimbabwe. It’s some achievement to be the most ludicrous politician your country has produced when the competition is Robert Mugabe.

The equalities committee ought to ditch its deputy convenor in favour of someone less prone to throwing tantrums when a court won’t give them their own way. A committee that keeps Chapman on as deputy convenor is either saying it agrees with her or that it can’t find someone capable of replacing her. I’m honestly not sure which is worse.

Whatever faith I had in Holyrood’s ability to drag itself out of the mire and become a parliament Scotland could respect has long since depleted. But MSPs owe it to the people who send them there to at least try to improve the quality and the dignity of the institution. Standing up for the independence of the judiciary should not be a daunting task for parliamentarians who care about the rule of law.

I doubt any Supreme Court justice had heard of Maggie Chapman before this row erupted. Judges are not the audience MSPs are being asked to consider. When they come to vote on Chapman’s future, it is the Scottish public who will be watching and hoping their representatives do something right for once.

Published: 27 April 2025

The crass stupidity of both votes policy advocated by the SNP

2021 Scottish General Election Results

SNP: Constituency votes 1,291,204 47.7% 62 MSPs

SNP: List votes: 1,094,374 40.3% 2 MSPs (Down 2 MSPs)

Note: votes required to gain a list seat: approx 500,000

Greens: Constituency votes 34,990 8% 0 MSPs

Greens: List votes: 220,000 8% 8 MSPs

Note: votes required to gain a list seat: approx 25,000

Positive use of the second vote

List votes should be diverted away from the SNP and given to other Scottish Independence candidates. This would ensure a majority of independence supporting MSPs.

Poor Joani Reid, MP -the trials and tribulations of an alleged spy’s wife

On a two-day visit to Faslane as a member of the Armed Forces Parliamentary Scheme, which gives parliamentarians experience of the UK military, Joani Reid, the MP for East Kilbride and Strathaven, whose Grandfather, Jimmy Reid was a card carrying Member of the UK Communist Party…
was given a guided tour of two submarines as part of the visit, as well as meeting officers. An MP on the visit said that Reid had been “extremely drunk” and was “all over” a senior naval officer, at one stage a female officer involved in organising the trip said it was time the MP went to her bed and was sworn at by Reid.

Some time after there were allegations of an inappropriate relationship involving Reid and a Captain of a nuclear submarine based at Faslane. They were investigated and the captain who is married was not subjected to disciplinary action since he had not broken any military rules.

It was revealed that the captain and Reid had exchanged flirtatious messages and the action was taken to mitigate any blackmail risk. Reid rejected the statement that the messages were flirtatious and there was no physical relationship between them.

Follow up

Fresh security checks were carried out after Reid’s husband was arrested under the UK National Security Act on suspicion of assisting China’s foreign intelligence service, following which the Captain of one of Britain’s nuclear-armed submarines stepped back from his role after being investigated over his relationship with Joani Reid.

Voluntary Liquidation

Reid said she had no knowledge of her husband’s business activities but placed her company into voluntary liquidation after recording a huge profit in 2023 on which she paid just 10% tax on £379,953.46 of income. What services was Reid providing that earned well over £300k profit in a single year?

John Swinney should be respected. He gets his way regardless of the obstacles. He divorced his first wife because of her infidelity. Then, he got the Protestant marriage annulled (not for the infidelity) by Catholic authorities in Rome so he could marry his Roman Catholic girlfriend. One of three conditions was applied to the ruling. Which one? No one knows.

Scottish National Party leader John Swinney’s wedding in late July was overshadowed by his decision to have his first marriage annulled by the Roman Catholic authorities. He is himself a “practising member of the Church of Scotland”, but his wife is a Roman Catholic, and the only way for them to marry in a Roman Catholic church was for him to obtain an annulment of his first marriage – a declaration that it had no legal existence.

Mr Swinney’s divorce was as a “result of his first wife’s infidelity”, which is a legitimate reason for divorce if we follow Scripture. But Rome rejects the validity of divorce under any circumstances; in the words of anmerican canon lawyer, “the Church does not acknowledge the right of civil authorities to dispense from vows taken in church”. In this way Rome can maintain a significant degree of control over her followers; the exercise of power is what is important to her, not faithfulness to Scripture.

Clearly no marriage is valid if one party is already married. But there are other grounds for annulment: (1) A lack of due discretion. This applies if a woman “married in haste. In other words, she lacked the discretion necessary to spot his personality disorder. Her husband promised to take care of his family, but clearly he did not have the character or the desire to do so. She claims that if she had known what kind of a misfit he really was she never would have married him.” (2) Defective consent. When, for instance, the bridegroom “kept a lover before, during and after the marriage”. (3) Psychic incapacity. “If a person is incapable of fulfilling the burdens and obligations of marriage, the marriage can be annulled. You cannot make a promise to do something you are incapable of doing. For instance, a paranoid schizophrenic may have behaved normally at the time of the wedding, but later, when the illness becomes full-blown, the marriage falls apart.” Effectively, all this is an exercise in providing grounds for divorce, and only in the second case, where adultery comes in, do we have a scriptural ground. It is clearly only playing with words to speak of annulment rather than divorce.

“When an annulment is granted,” the canon lawyer claims, “the Church is not saying that there never was a marriage. The union certainly was a sociological fact, and the memory of it may even be cherished, but the legal contract on which it was based turned out to be invalid.” This is Jesuitical nonsense; either there was a marriage or there wasn’t. Thus Rome seeks to maintain her power over the lives of her followers, and even of those who would marry them.

But what about the children of an annulled marriage? Actually, we are told, “canon law declares that all the children born of an annulled marriage are legitimate”. Again this is to play with words. If there was no marriage, the children are illegitimate; if the children are legitimate, there must have been a marriage. But Rome has never been willing to bow to common sense.

And if there are children from the Swinney marriage? They will, of course, be brought up as Roman Catholics. Yet some people wonder why we are so anxious to see the rule maintained which prohibits the monarch of the UK marrying a Roman Catholic. Apart from any other reason, to marry a Roman Catholic would almost inevitably lead to the children being brought up as Roman Catholics – and therefore to a Roman Catholic monarch in the next generation, with no prospect of an heir being brought up as a Protestant at any stage in the future. Rome has indeed found marriage to be a fruitful area for the exercise of her power.

The Alex Salmond conspiracy

Reflecting on aspects of concern in the conspiracy to get Alex Salmond, I looked again at the conduct of those who participated in compiling the “deemed illegal”new procedure, and the knowledge it included at least one individual who later became an “accuser” in the second phase of the assault on Alex (the high court trial). Her, (their) actions should be referred to the trial judge, since her (their)involvement revealed that her (their) malice aforethought was a “contempt of court”, and the instruction of the judge that the names of those who falsely accused Alex should not be released to the public, should not include her, (them) since her (their) conduct cast doubt on their motives, and those of the of the Scottish government and possibly the police.

Bute Energy and others, a round-up by Welsh blogger Jac o’ the North, whose relentless pursuit of the truth exposes commercial corruption at the highest level linked to career politicians at all levels of government

I haven’t devoted a full piece to Bute Energy and the rest since August last year. Which is somewhat remiss, seeing as the plans are ongoing and causing great concern to communities across the land.

That said, maybe this offering is directed more at the general reader than those who follow Bute’s activities closely, or are involved with a particular campaign group, of which there are perhaps too many. (More on this later.)

Though I’ve had a gutsful of Bute and the other eco-scammers who’ve taken up more space on this blog than the diamond geezers and career criminals.

Yet they’re lauded in the media, have politicians in their back pocket, and the red carpet is rolled out for these exploitative interlopers.

INTRO, RECAP

After a visit to the cellar, dusting off a few files, I think I’ve found my first reference to Bute. It was back in November 2018. In the piece, Corruption in the wind?

Though Bute first appeared via a connection with someone I’d already written about.

This pathfinder was Steven Radford. He was fronting for a major player named U + I in three wind farm projects: Bryn Blaen, near Llangurig; Rhoscrowther, down on the Haven; and Hendy, a few miles from Llandrindod.

U + I was soon taken over by Landsec; big shareholders in Landsec are BlackRock, Vanguard, Legal & General, Jupiter Asset Management.

In that November 2018 piece I wrote:

In September Radford branched out again with Bute Energy Ltd . . . in the electricity business, the production, transmission, distribution and trade of electricity to be exact.

What I didn’t know at the time was that the boys of Bute had all come from property company Parabola. And that the lead director of Bute, Oliver James Millican, is the son of Parabola boss, Peter John Millican.

The other Bute principals we’ve come to know are: Lawson Douglas Steele and Stuart Allan George. Barry Woods was a fourth departure from Parabola in November 2017. But Woods parted company with the others in September 2019.

Another name that crops up is John Reilly. Like those just named (apart from Millican) he has a company named ‘Windward’ followed by his initials. I can’t be sure if Reilly worked for Parabola, but he is now Project Manager for Bute. Like the others, he lives in Scotland.

These ‘personal’ companies all saw a massive boost in their values recently.

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These figures might be accounted for by a payout from Grayling Capital LLP, which dissolved around that time. For Millican, Steele and George were Designated Members, and Reilly a Member. Another Member had been SuperSpAd and ‘Welsh’ Labour insider David James Taylor. (Mentioned a few times on this site.)

UPDATE: More plausibly, the windfall is explained here.

But that only throws up another question – where did the money come from that went into Grayling Capital?

Whatever the answer, that’s a lot of money for a group that has yet to put up a single turbine. Ask yourself, how does that ten grand for your village hall from a developer’s ‘community fund’ compare to sums like these?

Taylor also did well for himself. The clip below is from the accounts of Taylor’s company Moblake Ltd. A liquidator was appointed in April 2022 and Taylor rode off into the sunset with the 600k in his saddlebags.

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The ultimate holding company for all the Bute entities is Windward Global Ltd. The sole director is Millican Jnr. The company was formed in May 2017 as DMWSL 864 Ltd and changed its name six months later, at the exact same time we are expected to believe the boss’s son and his mates turned their backs on Parabola.

Somehow, the Parabola-Bute crew made contact with Radford. Who joined Bute Energy Ltd in September 2018, less than a week after Oliver Millican. (The company changed its name to RSCO 3750 Ltd and folded in September 2023.)

How was this contact made? Why did Parabola turn its attention to wind turbines? And to Wales?

PARABOLA-BUTE DISCOVERS WALES

But how did they ‘discover’ Wales? Were there introductions? To answer these questions I’ll begin with something substantive before flying a kite.

In the first piece, of November 2018, you’d have read a section – ‘Mystery Woman’ – in which I identified Anna McMorrin as a lobbyist for Hendy wind farm. She was then a Labour insider shacked up with a minister in the ‘Welsh Government’, and she went on to become the MP for Cardiff North in the June 2017 general election.

Seventeen months after McMorrin’s performance before Powys councillors, Steven Radford of Hendy wind farm teamed up with Parabola-Bute.

This pattern of Labour party involvement (ahem!) has been repeated in subsequent years. Most recently with Sophie Howe, former Future Generations Commissioner for Wales, who became a director of the new Bute Energy Ltd last month. (It switched names with RSCO 3750 Ltd.)

Labour party troughing is covered in many other posts on this site.

So we have the Labour party helping windfarm developers, but that doesn’t establish a connection for Radford with Millican and his pals. Yet people I’ve spoken with recently are convinced the key lies with Radford and Hendy Wind Farm Ltd.

And what a story of political corruption that was; done to help a project meet an OFGEN funding deadline, with one hurriedly erected turbine – that has never turned!

But even if Hendy is the key, that still doesn’t explain how Radford and the Bute gang met each other.

Here’s one possibility . . .

McMorrin was working for a company, Invicta Public Affairs, with branches in Glasgow and London, but its registered office is on the Gallowgate, not far from St James’ Park in Newcastle-upon-Tyne.

Parabola, despite having offices in Edinburgh and London, began life in Newcastle and still maintains a presence in a building it redeveloped near the Central Station.

I admit the Geordie connection is tenuous; yet while the Labour party link to both Radford and Bute is established, there is still no evidence it was the comrades who brought them together.

Though the Labour party is now so enmeshed with Parabola-Bute it might soon be difficult to disentangle them. What with individual party members involved and then the council pension fund investment. (Controlled by BlackRock.)

Plaid Cymru is also getting in on the climate scam. Sorry! that should read: saving the planet for future generations. In the form of an obscure Plaid loyalist from Ynys Môn named Carmen Smith.

After dabbling in student politics, working for politicos and leftist groups, Smith was given a made-up job with Bute in October 2023 – Advisor on Youth Governance! Her employer is named as Windward Global, the ultimate holding company for the Bute empire.

Next, she made it to the House of Lords when Plaid needed to replace retiring Lord Wigley. The election process was rigged in order to ignore members’ choice of former MP Elfyn Llwyd.

These shenanigans now give Bute a presence in the House of Lords.

KLINGON AND A POSSIBLE RESTORATION TRAGEDY

As is often the case with planning permission – and perhaps especially in Wales – what is originally given consent is often very different to what is eventually built. ‘Changes’ and ‘modifications’ are made, which may or may not go through the planning process.

In the case of Bute Energy these now include, “bigger blades, higher substations, to cracking on before approval of any restoration plans. The local authorities, who told PEDW they have no resources to oversee any planning conditions, appear to be rubber stamping things“.

Never was rubber stamping more obvious than with this amendment submitted by Bute to Caerphilly council regarding Twyn Hywel wind farm. Fortunately, the council accepts correspondence in English, Welsh, and Klingon.

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For it was indeed accepted.

In the quote I used just now you’ll have seen a reference to “restoration plans“. So let me explain what this is about.

After certain opencast mines came to the end of their working lives in southern Wales it was expected that the companies involved would – as promised – restore the sites to something close to their original state.

But, alas, when the time came for the restoration to begin – the companies involved had relocated to offshore tax havens.

In 2010, a company called Celtic Energy sold its opencast coalmines – with its restoration liabilities – for £1 apiece to a series of shell companies it had set up in the British Virgin Islands. Then the senior executives walked away with millions.

To avoid something similar happening with windfarms a number of people have submitted FoI requests to the ‘Welsh Government’ about site restoration, but I’ve yet to see a response that satisfies anyone.

UPDATE 02.10.2025: Here’s an example that I’ve just received from a reader. Natural Resources Wales says they can’t tell how much they demand for wind farm site restoration, because “this information is commercially sensitive“.

It’s now being suggested that wind turbines in Wales have an operational lifespan of 50 years. Below is a clip from Google AI, and here’s a link to a piece in Solar Power Portal which says, “Manmoel Wind will have an operational life span of 50 years“.

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Obviously, no turbine lasts 50 years. A turbine is lucky to make 20, or 25. So people who’ve seen that 50 year figure assume the turbines will be replaced at some stage.

Yet the extended lifespan claim appears again in this response from Bute to a question from a concerned local resident:

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Quite frankly, I believe that ten years from now few new (or replacement) turbines will be going up. People are no longer listening to the Swedish doom goblin and her Globalist masters. Reality is kicking in.

So the question remains: with the bubble soon to burst, why are turbines going up today, or tomorrow, being given operational lifespans of 40 or 50 years?

Could it be because developers have an arrangement with politicians and planners that restoration of a site begins when the agreed operational lifespan is up? Even if the turbines had long ago stopped working. Or had even been removed?

My belief is that restoration costs should be paid up front, before a single turbine is erected, and the money ring-fenced so politicians can’t get their grubby paws on it. Furthermore, the restoration costs must not be limited to the visual. There must be enough money deposited to pay for the removal and disposal of the vast concrete bases in which every turbine stands.

Questions need to be asked about this extended operational lifespan. And whether it will be linked with site restoration.

UPDATE 12.10.2025: I should add that being ‘imaginative’ with a project’s lifespan might encourage hesitant investors. And it will be used by politicians spouting ‘future generations’ bollocks to grant planning permission.

THE PYLON RUNS

Clearly, the hundreds of wind turbines planned for remote upland areas of Wales are a long way from the eventual consumers in England. For that’s where it’s going. (Ignore bullshit like, “powering seven million Welsh homes“.)

Below you’ll see two maps that I hope will help explain the position.

On the left is a map produced by the ‘Welsh Government’ in its Future Wales The National Plan 2040 (update), showing the designated areas for wind power. On the right, a map produced by CPRW (here), adding areas for solar power and associated infrastructure including pylon routes.

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Because, clearly, there will be a need for pylons and overhead power lines to run from the windfarms to where they can connect with the grid. Though in environmentally sensitive (or politically favoured) sections the cabling might be underground.

In the southern half of the country this means a run from around Aberedw, east of Llandrindod, down to Builth, and then down Dyffryn Tywi to Llandyfaelog, south of Carmarthen. The other southern line runs from the wild country east of Lampeter – projects I covered in this piece – following the Teifi before branching off south from somewhere near Llandysul.

In the northern section, the run starts near Llangurig, then runs north before turning north east to its destination at Lower Frankton in Shropshire. Though for some reason we were originally told it ended in ‘Chirk’.

Perhaps we were supposed to think it would supply Wrecsam and Deeside.

This simple map of the grid in Wales will also help as it shows most of the turbines planned are going up in areas a long way from that grid.

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Most electricity in Wales is generated by Pembroke power station in the far south west. The line then runs east, supplying much of the urban south, before taking power over the border.

The loop in the north is, I suspect, accounted for by the decommissioned nuclear power stations at Wylfa and Trawsfynydd.

Let’s conclude this section by focusing on an area just mentioned, Twm Siôn Cati country. There’s a very active group opposing the three projects we’ve heard about (there may be more to come), and there was a public meeting last month.

Here’s a report from the Western MailHere in pdf format.

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The meeting was held in Pumsaint because, as I explained in the piece I linked to earlier, the blades and turbines will need to be transported from Pumsaint up country, and over the 2,500 acres of the National Trust’s Dolaucothi estate.

For some reason the NT is coy about giving out information about its involvement with wind farm developers.

To add to the air of mystery, I’m informed that prior to the Pumsaint meeting local Plaid worthies met with Bute representatives at the Falcondale Hotel, just a mile or so north east of Lampeter. Is this true?

If so, what did they discuss? More peerages?

ODDS AND ENDS

I’ve been writing about wind farms for so long, and more keep appearing, that I was almost on the point of giving up. But like I say, as truth dawns, and the costs mount, the bubble will eventually burst.

So I’ll stick with it, and give a few random thoughts. First, something that’s been a stone in my shoe for a while. Maybe someone out there can help.

It’s a company called Storagefolk Ltd. The sole director is Oliver Millican, and ownership traces back to super holding company Windward Global, where all the shares are owned by Millican.

Now, this company was formed September 2017; it seems to do nothing, yet it’s kept alive, so I must assume there’s a reason for its existence. But what?

Answers on a postcard . . .

Returning to electricity transmission . . . in a belated attempt to salvage its reputation the self-styled ‘Welsh Government’ set up Trydan Gwyrdd Cymru. Which, to date, has achieved virtually nothing beyond virtue signalling.

And of course, costing us money.

Those clowns in Corruption Bay had over two decades to ensure that, if we had no alternative but to participate, that at least Wales benefitted from this climate scam. But they did nothing beyond pimping Wales out to any green con artists who slunk into view.

Bute has also set up a distribution company, Green Gen Cymru (GGC). Which is planning the pylon runs we looked at earlier. Though this is a joint venture with Copenhagen Infrastructure Partners, a major funder for Bute.

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The GCC chairman is Bleddyn Phillips, former chairman of London Welsh Rugby Club, who worked in Russia when his wife, Dame Anne Pringle, was ambassador.

For many year Phillips was Global Head of Oil and Gas for multinational lawyers Clifford Chance LLP. These are not the kind of lawyers you go to if Plod arrests you for hurty words on X. We are talking big, big money here. Billions.

Consequently, Phillips must know many wealthy investors in the energy field from his globetrotting days. I wonder if any of them are interested in Green Gen Cymru?

CONCLUSION

I don’t wish to name groups or individuals, but I believe the fight against these various – but linked – plans is too fragmented. A certain level of unity is needed. Or at the very least, co-operation.

Yet it must also be kept local.

By which I mean, involve local people, farmers and others with a stake in the country. At all costs avoid creating the impression that the only people opposing wind turbines and pylons are well-heeled nimbys who’ve moved into the area.

Selfish buggers who are now, “denying locals thousands of well-paid jobs“.

Because that’s the kind of lie those opposing you – politicians and ‘developers’ – will use to divide and discredit you.

And finally, don’t trust political parties that support Net Zero, wind farms and all the rest. Politicians with constituencies or council areas threatened by the projects of Bute and others are in trouble, and they know it.

So they’re trying to ride two horses. But only succeeding in coming across as more two-faced than usual. It is not a pretty sight.

Say, “Thank you very much for your kind offer of advice and assistance” – then help them through the door. Whether you open the door is entirely up to you.

♦ end ♦

© Royston Jones 2025

Jac o the North is a Welsh blogger who produces well-structured articles revealing the misconduct of Welsh politicians, Lobbyists and other persons who might be dipping their snouts in the financial trough, ripping off Welsh taxpayers. Many of the subjects he covers apply equally to Scotland, where similar scams are routinely perpetrated against the public interest. I commend his work to all who read my blog

The story of CI IV Dragon Holdco Ltd

It all started when I noticed a couple of unfamiliar vans in our street. I didn’t recognise the livery, they carried 03333 phone numbers. One had been registered in Bath, the other in Nottingham.

Curiosity aroused, I thought I’d check out the website given on the vans. But when I tried to reach http://www.advanceenergy.co.uk I hit the brick wall you see below. Nothing’s been posted on the Facebook page since January 2024. Now I was really curious. Next stop, the Companies House website. And from here, a picture started to emerge.

Advance Energy Services Ltd began life in October 2016 as Bright Plumbing and Heating Ltd of Pontypridd. It failed to take off, and in January 2019, with compulsory strike-off just averted, two new directors came aboard: one being Michael Ian Wayman.

I mention Wayman because while he was a director at Advance Energy Services he and another man started a company called Advance Energy (UK) Ltd. Formed in October 2019 it gave up the ghost in July 2021 without ever filing accounts.

At the same time, another Wayman family company, Smart Energy Homes Ltd, saw an upsurge in fortunes. Though the sketchy accounts offer no explanation.

Meanwhile, directors came and went at Advance Energy Services, and the company address changed a few times.

But something might then have gone awry. I say that because I turned up this notification on the Financial Conduct Authority website dated February 2023. Wayman and his associate are named.

From this point on I shall avoid naming Welsh or Wales-based individuals unless I feel it’s necessary. It may be possible to find the names on official documents by following the links. That’s unavoidable.

Just over a year on from the FCA mention, in May 2024, Robert Benjamin Nathaniel Brodie became a director. In fact, he joined a host of companies giving addresses mainly in south east Wales.

He was joined in March this year, at a number of the companies, by Christopher McLain. McLain seems to have had no directorships before then.

McLain is CEO of City Energy Network Ltd, while Brodie is the Chief Financial Officer. Here’s the Cairngorm Capital takeover reported.

Returning to Advance Energy Services Ltd, the company secretary works full-time for solar panel and heat pump installer, Heatforce. Where we find Brodie (but not McLain). In fact, Brodie is the sole director now listed for Heatforce.

This company uses an address where we’ll find a few other companies in the table below: Unit 10, Lambourne Crescent, Cardiff Business Park, Llanishen, Cardiff CF14 5GP.

THE WEB

I think the best way to join up the dots is to look at the companies where Robert Benjamin Nathaniel Brodie recently became a director. For he seems to be the key, the link to the ultimate owner.

Here’s the list of Brodie’s companies supplied by Companies House. And below a table I compiled of those companies. https://find-and-update.company-information.service.gov.uk/officers/gcm3GdeW8RHgmUoXhOdOHyyuYP4/appointments

PDF format

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1RtGb28GMnBOUQpmx9RoiPUjt_tHWZ-ys/view?usp=sharing

It might look complex, but believe me, everything leads back to Dragon 2023 Topco Ltd and, ultimately, Cairngorm Capital.

https://www.cairngormcapital.com/

There are six names that crop up more than once in the companies found in the table, prior to the takeover by Brodie and McLean. I shall refer to these as The Six.

We find them in Mudrock Investments Ltd. Launched in August 2020, a year or two before they started paving the way (apparently) for Cairngorm Capital.

https://find-and-update.company-information.service.gov.uk/company/12814656

Mudrock’s into real estate. I know that, partly because Companies House tells us, but also because Mudrock last year applied to Swansea council for a change of use.

If we turn to the Companies House registration, we find only two directors. But the other four can be found on the Certificate of Incorporation, where, if you scroll down, you’ll see The Six have 10 shares each. https://drive.google.com/file/d/1IIyi2RrFt5vCadkag3QvOFb4UiBnOuOx/view?usp=sharing

The first (skeletal) accounts filed (as at 29.08.2021) showed fixed assets of £390,000. In the most recent (equally skeletal) accounts (to 31.12.2023), Mudrock’s fixed assets had rocketed to £3,142,088.

The address given for Mudrock on the Certificate of Incorporation is Coptic House 4-5 Mount Stuart Square, Cardiff. Though the address used now is a nice little gaff out in Cyncoed.

But it doesn’t end there.

Another strange entity associated with some of those named above was WYRL Ltd, giving an address on Langdon Road, which runs alongside the old Prince of Wales Dock in Swansea. https://find-and-update.company-information.service.gov.uk/company/14721734

The 120 WYRL shares were distributed between Diversity Network Holdings (80) and one of The Six (40). WYRL was launched 10 March 2023 and folded 20 August 2024 without filing accounts.

Diversity Network Holdings leads back to Cairngorm Capital. (See table above.)

Just before the end, control passed to View Investments Ltd, where we find two of The Six as directors and shareholders. This company has just avoided strike-off. https://find-and-update.company-information.service.gov.uk/company/15222412

There are other companies linked to this lot, but life is short. All I will say is that over the years I’ve reported on many companies that start up and then fold without apparently doing anything, without filing accounts.

This often denotes shady dealings, even criminality. I’m not saying that any referred to here are involved in such activities, but it never looks good.

Since the arrival of Cairngorm Capital, financial support for most of the companies named here and listed in the table has come from Alter Domus.

One thing is clear from looking into these companies, and those involved: A lot of money became available around the time Cairngorm Capital showed up.

Footnote: At the time of publication the accounts for, CEN Holdco Ltd, Dragon 2023 Topco Ltd, Dragon 2023 Midco Ltd, Dragon 2023 Bidco Ltd, were overdue with Companies House.

Though I suspect most of these companies, having served their purpose, will now be dissolved. But perhaps not Dragon 2023 Topco Ltd. Not yet, anyway.

For last November there was a share issue amouting to some £100,000,000. Here’s how those shares were divvied up.

As you can see, The Six came out of it very well.

Something struck me while writing about Cairngorm Capital, operating through companies using ‘Dragon’ in the name.

Because it reminded me of the funding for Parabola Bute Energy and its 666 wind farms (none yet built), which have been getting their funding from Copenhagen Infrastructure Partners through companies using ‘Dragon’ in their names.

One is CI IV Dragon Lender Ltd. Another is CI IV Dragon Holdco Ltd. (Though both have recently changed to CI V.) I suppose using the term is a way of showing these companies operate in Wales.

Something else that struck me was that both Parabola Bute and Cairngorm Capital are based in Edinburgh. Now I appreciate that the Scottish capital is a sizeable city, and a major financial centre, so maybe it could all be dismissed as a coincidence.

But Bute and Cairngorm are both in the electricity business; at different ends, admittedly, but they could complement each other.

Parabola Bute’s wind farms could generate the electricity, be stored in their Battery Energy Storage Systems, distributed by GreenGenCymru, with Cairngorm companies installing the unnecessary but expensive equipment to maximise the profits.

THERE’S MORE . . .

While I was writing this I received information about something similar happening in the same part of the country and similar kinds of businesses. The name given to me was the Cardo Group.

Naturally, I looked into it. Typing ‘Cardo’ into the Companies House website brings up many options, but here’s the one we’re interested in. https://find-and-update.company-information.service.gov.uk/company/09435643

A company Incorporated February 2015 as LCB Construction Holdings Ltd changed its name to LCB Group Holdings Ltd in October 2022, before finally bursting forth as Cardo Group Ltd in May 2023.

LCB was started by a local businessman who is now CEO of Cardo. The website tells us that Cardo provides: ‘A total solution for maintaining and retrofitting homes’.

One cause for concern might be the list of Cardo directors. I suspect that of the 8, our local businessman and a long-time associate may be the only ones living in Wales.

When we turn to ‘person with significant control‘ we see that in May 2023 this passed to BP INV Bidco Ltd. Checking who controls this outfit tells that our local has a minority shareholding, with control exercised by Buckthorn Partners LLP of Jersey.

Here’s the Buckthorn website. It lists Cardo as one of its companies. And three of its directors – Chaichian, Connolly and Fletcher – also sit on the Cardo board.

That Buckthorn board is truly impressive. Two Conservative peers and two chaps called Jonty. Break out the Pimms!

But why did it buy out the operation in Cardiff?

The answer is that LCB gave Buckthorn entry to the Welsh social housing sector, for heat pumps and all the other bollocks. (But mighty lucrative bollocks.)

Then, because the ‘Welsh Government’ has bought into the climate scam, and it funds housing associations, they must fall into line. Social housing tenants have no choice.

‘Hello, Mrs Evans . . . just to let you know there’ll be a team coming round tomorrow to put a carbon capture plant in your back garden, right love’.

Knowing how close housing associations are to the ‘Welsh Government’, and the Labour party, there is no way that Corruption Bay would have been unaware of Buckthorn’s arrival.

One rabbit hole I sniffed without venturing too far in was Glas Trust Corporation Limited, a funder associated with Cardo, BP INV Bidco, and possibly others since the Buckthorn takeover. (I initially thought it might be Welsh!)

By a tortuous route I found that the ultimate owner is Unicorn Topco Ltd, which is itself said to be currently parentless. Though I suspect a connection with Levine Leichtman through Unicorn director and LL partner Josh Kaufman.

UPDATE 04.08.2025: Since writing this piece there’s been a lot of activity with BP INV6 Bidco Ltd. Many ‘replacement filings’ and ‘clarifications’ related to the allotment of shares, suggesting some confusion.

FOR THE HARD OF UNDERSTANDING

Let me explain how the Globalist climate scam operates:

1/ Globalist corporations, private equity funds, etc, often working through pressure groups, ‘persuade’ governments to provide funding for green energy projects. In other words, anything that can be sold as saving the planet.

2/ Governments find the funding, even if it means taking money from schools, pensioners, the NHS, neglecting infrastructure, or even raising taxes.

3/ Those who started the process now take over the companies that will be doing the work and serving as conduits for the loot. Or even create new ones.

4/ Globalist corporations, equity funds and the rest then trouser the money they themselves persuaded governments to shell out in the first place.

They might keep the names of local companies, or give new companies Welsh-sounding names, to create the impression that it’s all owned by tidy boys from roun’ by ‘ere.

Let me pause here and make something clear. I believe in independence and the capitalist economic model. I want to see Welsh entrepreneurs and Welsh companies employing Welsh people and building a strong Welsh economy.

But what we’ve looked at here, what we see with the ‘Welsh economy’ in general, is window-dressing. The control always lies elsewhere, and that’s where the profits go.

Because the socialists wrecking Wales prefer silly gestures to building an economy. Apparently believing we Welsh must be protected from the corrupting influence of prosperity.

FINAL THOUGHTS

What you’ve read here is so typical of Wales after 26 years of devolution and Welsh politicians being suckered into obeying the Globalist agenda.

Yet stupid enough to believe they’re doing the right thing!

I keep referring to the ‘climate scam’, because that’s what it is. Dreamt up by a corrupt and decadent elite that bribes, blackmails, or brainwashes politicians and others.

Here we see that class in pursuit of greater wealth and total control.

The wealth comes by many routes, not just the Net Zero lie I’ve just described.

Authoritarianism creeps up through censorship we’re told is vital to protect us from ‘misinformation’, ‘disinformation’, the ‘far right’, ‘climate deniers’, ‘transphobes’, Nigel Farage, ‘Islamophobes’, Donald Trump, and Uncle Tom Cobleigh an’ all.

Authoritarianism to shout down the truth about the ‘climate crisis’; to defend rape gangs and open borders; to spread anti-white racism, gender nonsense, and to wage war on farming . . . all of which is designed to result in societal breakdown.

At which point the global elite will step from the shadows and offer to put everything right through total censorship, property seizures, digital ID, climate lockdowns, bans on private transport, and other means.

We shall then have reached the Nirvana promised by the WEF, where we own nothing, are surveilled 24/7 – and yet we’ll be happy!

The only light relief – or is it gallows humour? – to be found as darkness encroaches is the sight of po-faced socialists believing they’re engaged in a noble, existential struggle to save humanity from itself, when in reality they’re enriching the biggest corporations and the wealthiest individuals on the planet.

Those parasites running the most profitable scam ever devised.

© Royston Jones 2025

There’s more to Epstein than his predilection for young girls – his work for Mossad goes back a long way

The Iran-Contra affair and Epstein’s connection with Adnan Khasoggi

2017: The United States-Saudi Arabia arms deal provided a window into the worldwide military-industrial complex. State Dept. officials had discouraged the probe of Saudi arms sales. The watchdog, fired by Trump, told Congress he was looking into Mike Pompeo’s approval of an $8bn arms sales to Saudi Arabia.

1981: Jeffrey Epstein was asked to leave Bear Stearns for, according to his sworn testimony, being guilty of a “Reg D violation”.

Ronald Reagan was president at that time.

One of Epstein’s clients was the Saudi Arabian businessman Adnan Khashoggi, who was the middleman in transferring American weapons from Israel to Iran, as part of the Iran–Contra affair .

Adnan Khashoggi was implicated in the Iran–Contra affair as a key middleman in the arms-for-hostages exchange along with Iranian arms dealer Manucher Ghorbanifar and in a complex series of events, was found to have borrowed money for these arms purchases from the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) with Saudi and United States backing .

Khashoggi was the “principal foreign agent” of the United States and helped establish the supranational intelligence partnership known as the Safari Club.

The creation of the Safari Club coincided with the consolidation of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI). The BCCI served to launder money, particularly for Saudi Arabia and the United States—whose CIA director in 1976George H. W. Bush, had a personal account.

BCCI also served as an intelligence gathering mechanism by virtue of its extensive contacts with underground organizations worldwide.

https://webhelper.brown.edu/cheit/Understanding_the_Iran_Contra_Affair/about.php

In the last 25 years, Iraq’s Assyrian Christian population has fallen from over 2 million to only 100,000. What happened?

Industrial-scale genocide. Who is responsible? The missing millions would have been welcomed as immigrants to Scotland

Following up on yesterday’s blog – Trouble follows Labour Lobbyist and alleged spy David James Taylor- This will gain traction. There is much more to be uncovered

Suicide of Carl Sargeant

Sargeant committed suicide after finding himself mired in allegations of improper behaviour towards women, and died not knowing what the claims were or who had made them.‌

But he did know that the suggestion he had been responsible for “unwelcome attention, inappropriate touching or groping” was already in the media, and had had to watch as the First Minister Carwyn Jones – who had just sacked him from his post in the Welsh Labour cabinet – went on the BBC to discuss what were now being termed ‘incidents’.‌

Distressed and already on medication for depression, Sargeant took his own life in the utility room of his Connah’s Quay home.

The inquest into his death shed light on what Coroner John Gittins described as the “murkiest” side of politics. It revealed a world in which high profile political figures could be cast out without even being told what they had done wrong, left to be blinded by the full glare of the media spotlight and offered virtually no support from those with whom they’d worked closely for years.

The coroner’s issue of a Regulation 28 notice puts an onus on the Welsh government to prevent future deaths of the nature of Sargeant’s. It is the first time such a notice has been issued by a coroner directly to a government in respect of the death of a serving government minister. And it comes at the end of a process which, through its delays and legal challenges, has placed incredible strain on the loved ones still reeling at the loss of the man around whom the whole family unit was built.‌

The Allegations

Sargeant’s world began to quickly unravel on November 3, 2017, as he travelled to Cardiff for a cabinet reshuffle meeting.

Assembly Member for Alyn and Deeside and the Communities Minister at the time, Sargeant had worked in a chemical factory, become a fireman, and, as his wife, Bernadette, describes, decided “I think I can do that” and set off to pursue a career in politics.

Although he was a high profile politician, “he thought politics was politics and family was family. He kept the two separate”.‌

But his public and private lives were about to become tragically entangled, with devastating consequences for him, his family, friends and colleagues.What Carl Sargeant’s family say about ‘dehumanising’ inquest process

Carl Sargeant and Carwyn Jones in Connah's Quay

Carl Sargeant and Carwyn Jones in Connah’s Quay

In October 2017, rumours of his alleged impropriety circulated. It was labelled “unwelcome attention, inappropriate touching or groping” of women. First Minister Carwyn Jones dispatched special advisor Matt Greenhough to speak to the women involved.‌

Mr Greenhough was a person who, according to North Wales East and Central Coroner John Gittins, had “no qualifications, or skills in witness statement taking or evidence gathering, nor any training in the particular sensitivities associated with allegations of a sexual nature”.

The woman were prepared to put their complaints in writing. Carwyn Jones referred it to the Labour Party and took the decision to remove him as a cabinet minister.‌

Sacking

Before he went to Cardiff, Sargeant told his wife of 29 years, “it’s happening”.

He had been dogged by depression since a “significant life event”, and “may have anticipated” he would lose his post. What was not clear, said the coroner, was whether he knew of the allegations beforehand.

The Coroner concluded Sargeant committed suicide

Comment from Steve Jones

Jones, who was the first minister’s special adviser for five years, said Sargeant, who took his own life following allegations of harassment, was upset by the “mind games” that went on within the government.

Jones private sector experience includes providing strategic, political, communications and crisis management advice for clients both in the UK.

He is a close friend of David Taylor, the director and sole employee of a company that had an £885,000 increase in the cash it held in one financial year.

The company does “Public Relations” and has only existed for just over four years.

Jones’s remarks follow allegations by the former Welsh minister Leighton Andrews that Sargeant was undermined from within the Labour government for several years.

David Taylor

On the day before his death, Ms Howe received a text message from David Taylor, a friend of Sargeant, asking how to program a text message to be sent at a later time.

Ms Howe told the coroner she then became concerned Sargeant was planning to take his own life. Taylor’s text is an important event since it suggests he had knowledge of his close friend Sergeant’s intent to commit suicide.

Over to the Chinese affair

David Taylor, the partner of Labour MP, Joani Reid, was detained by the Metropolitan Police on suspicion of spying for China. and is being held under the National Security Act. Two other men were arrested on Wednesday morning – Matthew Aplin, 43, from Pontyclun, South Wales, and Steve Jones, 68, from Powys, Wales. All three suspects, who were held on suspicion of
assisting Chinese intelligence, are connected to the Labour Party.

David Taylor may have been a client of Positif Politics, according to messages from the former director, Daran Hill.

Mathew Aplin’s profile has recently been scrubbed from the Camlas website.

The Wendy Wind Farm intrigue is of interest to Dan Hill who probes

Daran Hill@daranhill: I’m writing about Hendy wind farm. Do you want to tell me how you got involved. And your relationship with David Taylor.

Yesterday, 10:26 am: I don’t work on Hendy wind farm

Yesterday, 10:28 am: But you work for Grayling Capital / Bute Energy.

Yesterday, 10:38 am s/For Bute yes but I haven’t worked on Hendy

Yesterday, 10:38 am: Your e-mail to Penybont and Llandegley community council mentions Bute and Grayling

Yesterday, 10:47 am: v”I’m retained by Bute Or rather Positif is

Yesterday, 10:48 amL But you are Positif. The e-mail to the council was in your name. David Taylor is also involved with those involved with Powys wind turbines – he’s even a shareholder in Windward Enterprises – and I know you two are fairly close, so are you working together? Do you have contact details for him?

Yesterday, 11:53 am: v’:Yep the email was in my name as the lead person in Positif working on the Bute Energy account. The email was drafted in response to a specific query.

Yesterday, 12:11 pm. How can I contact David Taylor?

Yesterday, 12:14 pm: I don’t give out client contact details sorry

Yesterday, 1:34 pm: Fair enough. I didn’t realise he was a client of yours.

Yesterday, 1:41 pm: V Camlas V https://camlas.wales Matthew Aplin. Matt has been involved in public affairs and communications for nearly 20 years.