Her demeanour, dress sense and confrontational behaviour was evident in her student days and her aborted legal career and lifestyle before politics.
Sturgeon claimed she earned her nickname because she tried to emulate male politicians aggressive and adversarial practices at the start of her parliamentary career.
She claimed she was surrounded by “middle-aged white men” and behaved in a way about conforming and fitting in. That was also reflected in how she dressed.
Her belief was that fitting in with the behaviour of men required females to become adversarial and aggressive in pursuit of winning their arguments since assertive, aggressive, and adversarial male politicians are seen as strong leaders.
But her recurring failure to gain a seat as an MSP by popular vote was a worry for the Party leadership and she was persuaded to abandon her long held feminist principles and abandon her “nippy sweety” behaviour.
Sturgeon, the fashion icon and Scotland’s first lady in waiting was relaunched at the start of the Scottish Independence campaign in early 2014 after extensive and expensive coaching had been completed improving her delivery of policies to the public and parliament. Murrell ensured she had access to designer dresses and costumes and jewellery with a new expensive outfit being produced every day and many beguiled Scots believed the massively hyped transformation was real and would deliver change and were happy to climb on-board the “Sturgeon for Independence” bandwagon.
The period 2014-2023 exposed the disgusting scale of the Sturgeon “ponzie scheme” with Unionist media outlets participating in the continued cover-up of the abuse of the Scottish electorate.
2016: A Branch activist urged the SNP leadership to reverse the ill conceived and damaging changes to the Party Structure writing:
“I believe we need to refocus our basic unit “at the party branch” to include much more political discussion and action. We need to spend money on professional organisers ”at HQ and in a regional network” to support branch activities and members training. We need to bring together all our elected representatives ”MPs, MSPs and Councillors” in coherent teams providing political leadership to our communities. We need to rethink how we make policy ”involving as many members as possible in a continuous process”.
This is the SNP Achilles’ heal, the crux of the SNP’s inability to retain politically minded members who have either left the party or have become dormant members frustrated that their branch activity fails to engage in the political process failing to debate issues and consequently failing to prepare a stream of well informed future talent.
My own Branch experience is that cliques have often prevented or discouraged newer members from gaining office bearer roles and these new members are perceived as a threat to the Branch, rather than being accepted as a positive result of YES activity and warmly welcomed their new post. 2014 Indy ideas are not reflected in branch meetings or agendas. Active when electioneering yet stagnant in between. This is a serious flaw and it impedes progress nationally to win wider support for the Independence cause. The SNP structures of old failed to win in 2014 and there needs to be changes if Independence is to be won.
Comment:
But Sturgeon chose another path: Her chosen one as Deputy Leader was acolyte Angus Robertson whose, “modus operandi” favoured centralised control castrating the membership rendering it incapable of festering disloyalty and creating unwanted problems for the leadership.
His views prevailed and he was appointed unchallenged to the post of Deputy leader. From then on all Party activities would be managed through headquarters and information drip fed to the plebs. Its termed “mushroom management.”
Sturgeon and Robertson’s leadership and ruthless control of the Party’s membership (unchanged under Yousaf and Swinney) created apathy in the branches and provided the leadership with the opportunity to transfer all powers from the body corporate to a small sycophantic group of WOKE driven individuals who, over a period of 10 years destroyed the Party
Jonathon Shafi mapped the influence of the corporate lobby in the governance of Scotland. An elaborate picture which makes for a disturbing read. It’s time for a change of Party leadership and direction.
Shirley-Anne Somerville – Cabinet Secretary for Social Justice
responsible for:
Baby Box
benefit automation
human rights
minimum income guarantee
national mission for tackling child poverty
Office of Chief Social Policy Advisor
Scottish Government benefits (development and delivery)
Scottish Welfare Fund and Discretionary Housing Payments (DHPs)
social justice, tackling poverty and inequalities
Social Security Scotland
third sector, social enterprises and Office of the Scottish Charity Regulator (OSCR)
UN treaty incorporation including United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC)
Kaukab Stewart – Minister for Equalities
Specific responsibilities are:
displaced peoples
diversity, inclusion and equalities; including disability, older people, women, gender, LGBTI, religion, race, and Gypsy Traveller community
Equally Safe strategy
faith and belief
New Scots strategy
population and migration (inc. Ministerial Taskforce on Population)
refugees and asylum seekers
social isolation and loneliness strategy
Rebecca Don Kennedy CEO – Equality Network
Equality Network: The Network is run by a Board of Trustees, who are all volunteers. They oversee the organisation, take strategic decisions, and are ultimately responsible for all our activities. The Network aims to create lasting improvement in the situation of LGBTIQ people in Scotland.
The day to day work of the organisation is delegated by the Board to our staff –There are currently 9 full-time staff and 6 part-time staff.
The Trustees
Dr Kevin Guyan (Convener)
Dr Kevin Guyan is a writer and researcher whose work explores the intersection of data and identity. He is the author of ‘Rainbow Trap: Queer Lives, Classifications and the Dangers of Inclusion’ (Bloomsbury Academic, 2025) and ‘Queer Data: Using Gender, Sex and Sexuality Data for Action’ (Bloomsbury Academic, 2022). Kevin is a Chancellor’s Fellow at the University of Edinburgh and Director of the Gender + Sexuality Data Lab. Further information: kevinguyan.com
Judi Syson (Deputy Convener)
Judi has supported LGBT+ community organisations since joining the LGBT Health & Wellbeing board in 2004, and served as their chair for 5 years. With a background in STEM innovation and clinical research Judi brings leadership and people management experience to the Equality Network Board, along with a youth charity management perspective as a current trustee for the YMCA in Edinburgh & Scotland. Judi enjoys participating in LGBT community activities with women’s hill walking groups, the Loud & Proud Choir and watching rugby. linkedin.com/in/judisyson
Daniel Clayton (Treasurer)
Daniel qualified as a Chartered Accountant in 2002. He is an Investment Management specialist and has held several senior roles within Audit and Risk, Investment Operations, Investment Change and Product Design and Strategy. He has worked for several leading companies including PwC, Aegon Asset Management, Citi, Standard Life Investments, First State and Abrdn. He has a keen interest in promoting LGBTIQ representation at senior levels within the financial services industry and has been an active part in both establishing, chairing and being part of LGBTIQ networks within the various companies he has worked for. Currently he is the Inclusion and Diversity Lead for the Investment Office at his current employer, Scottish Widows. Daniel is the Treasurer of the Equality Network and oversees the financial governance, controls and overall financial position of the charity.
Cecilia Righini: Cecilia Righini is the Founder and Creative Director of Studio Lutalica, a non-profit design agency supporting women and LGBTQ+ communities. With a focus on intersectional feminism and sustainable practices, Cecilia leads projects that empower diverse identities. Their work has been recognised with awards for its impact in the creative industry. Cecilia also serves on the board of Proud Futures and is a visiting practitioner at in Design Management at UAL: London College of Communication. linkedin.com/in/ceciliarighini
Christina Tatlow: Christina is currently on a short sabbatical from our Board.
Katherine O’Donnell: Katherine O’Donnell is a journalist and writer of more than 35 years’ experience in print, broadcasting and digital media. She has a longstanding interest in human rights and equality. She is a former night editor of The Times and the only trans person ever to have held a senior editorial role in the UK national press.
Peter Hope-Jones: Peter is a civil servant with twenty years’ experience in different roles in the Scottish Government. Currently working on higher education institutional stability, he previously led on taking the Gender Recognition Reform (Scotland) Bill through the Scottish Parliament, and has also been Private Secretary to the Cabinet Secretary for Justice, Head of Human Trafficking Policy, and Interim Chief Executive of Parole Scotland.
Stella Sibbit-Johnston: Stella works in international education, with experience living and working in New Zealand, Australia, Japan, and Scotland. She brings a global perspective to the Board, and as a migrant and a parent is passionate about intersectionality within the LGBTIQ community. Having recently completed the Radius Employee Network Leadership Programme, she leads the EDI Committee in her workplace.
Tristan Grayford: Tristan Grayford is a software engineer and author who moved to Scotland from Jersey in 2014 and joined Equality Network’s board in 2024. He is the co-founder of the End Conversion Therapy Scotland Campaign and QUILL Scotland. He has previously worked at the Scottish Parliament and written policy for multiple political parties. In his career he has chaired LGBTQ+ employee networks and spoken on panels from the risks of Generative AI to inclusive practice in tech and genre fiction.
Staff:
Chief Executive Officer: Dr Rebecca Don Kennedy (she/her)
Finance and Business Coordinator: Claudia Russo (she/her)
Communications Officer: Chris Timmins (he/him)
Branding and Publications Officer: Nathan Skye (he/they)
Training Officer: James H. Verardi (he/him)
Community Engagement and Development Officer:Ruth McGill (she/her):
Disability and Neurodiversity Officers: Mel Maguire (she/her) Rowan Alison (they/them)
Policy Coordinator: Erin Lux (she/her)
Policy and Campaigns Officer: Christopher Clannachan (he/him)
Policy Officer: Eleanor Sanders White (she/her)
Scottish Trans: Strives to be inclusive and open, to challenge discrimination and to consult, involve and inform the individuals and the communities for which we work.
Partnership is a key part of our approach, and much of what we do involves working in partnership with diverse LGBTI people, other trans and LGBTI organisations, and with organisations working in the wider equality and human rights field.
There are currently three full-time Scottish Trans staff within the Equality Network:
Scottish Trans Manager: Vic Valentine (they/them)
Scottish Trans Policy & Public Affairs Officer: Florence Oulds (she/her)
Scottish Trans Community Engagement Coordinator: Oceana Maund (They/Them)
Scottish Trans is also currently hosting a fourth full time member of staff, as part of the Scottish Government’s NHS Gender Identity Services Strategic Action Framework 2021-2024:
Lived Experience Officer: Ryan Butter (he/they)
Government Finance: 2024 Scottish Government grants : £576,316 of which £450,000 was spent on staff costs.
LEAP Sports Scotland: Scotland’s LGBTIQ+ sports charity campaigning for equality, visibility and greater participation for LGBTIQ+ people in all areas of sport.
2024 Scottish & Local Government grants : £126,000: Total funding all organisations £550,000 of which approx £320,000 was spent on staff costs.
LGBT Youth Scotland: Scotland’s national charity for LGBTQ+ young people, aged 13-25. Supports young people in all aspects of their lives through the provision of youth work, supporting them to use their voice to create change in equality and human rights.
2024 Scottish Government grants: £1,871,046 of which £1,500,000 was spent on staff costs (17 Operational 32 Project work)
Stonewall
Stonewall Equality Ltd: Over the past 35 years, Stonewall has primarily focused its activity in two key domains – influencing legislation and policy, and creating change through research, programming and leadership development.
Stonewall has played a very significant and important role in changing the law to improve the lives of LGBTQ+ people. This includes:
The repeal of Section 28: We were founded in direct response to Section 28, the homophobic legislation that prevented young people learning about homosexuality in schools.
Equalising the age of consent: The Sexual Offences Amendment Act (2001) lowered the age of consent for gay and bi men to 16, aligning the age of consent with heterosexuals.
Lifting the ban on military service: Until 2000, LGBTQ+ people were banned from the British military, often dismissed or stripped of medals. Stonewall campaigned to end this discrimination, leading to the ban’s repeal in 2000.
The right for LGBTQ+ couples to adopt: The Adoption and Children Act came into effect in 2002 and allowed unmarried couples, including LGBTQ+ couples, to apply for joint adoption.
Marriage equality: The Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Act made history by legalising same-sex marriage in Scotland 2014,
2024 Scottish Government grant: Around £110,000 of which £3000 was SG membership fees. Note Company folded but S.G. maintained the funding support.
LGBT Healthy Living Centre: LGBT Health and Wellbeing was set up in 2003 to improve the health, wellbeing, and equality of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT+) people in Scotland. It provides responsive support services, a social programme for the community to connect with each other in sober and safer spaces, and supports mainstream services to become more inclusive.
Trustees
Yorath Turner: Chair (he/him)
Yorath is currently Head of Digital Capability and Talent in Scottish Government and leads the Digital profession development as well as initiatives responsible for building digital skills, capability and diversity across the public sector in Scotland. After 10 years in the finance sector, he joined the UK Civil Service in 2015 and has worked in a number of central government departments in Whitehall and beyond. He has experience in a range of HR roles from business partnering, strategic workforce development, and organisation design and development. He is a Chartered Fellow of the CIPD.
Jon Dye: Vice Chair:
Jon graduated from St Andrews with a degree in Mathematics and went on to train as an accountant with the international accountancy firm PwC. After 10 years with PwC, Jon joined the Clydesdale Bank. Since then, Jon has held a number of senior Finance roles in the commercial and third sector. Jon has also been a Trustee and Officer of a number of local and national charities. Jon sits on the Audit, Finance and Funding sub committee of the Board.
Daniel Clayton: Treasurer (he/him)
Daniel qualified as a Chartered Accountant in 2002 with PwC where he worked for 6 years as an auditor. He has held a number of senior positions in financial service companies, specialising in investment management operations. Daniel has a keen interest in and experience of: operations, audit (internal and external), risk, finance, project management, financial controls and strategy. He has taken an active part in equality groups at the companies he has worked for, in particular the push to gain fair LGBT+ representation in senior roles at financial service companies.
Zyra Evangelista: (they/them)
Zy is a PhD researcher at the University of Glasgow. Their primary area of research is LGBT+ psychology, with a specific focus on LGBT+ inclusion and well-being. They are currently one of the University of Glasgow Future World Changers, the PsyPAG representative for the British Psychological Society Psychology of Sexualities Section, and Book Review Editor for the Psychology of Sexualities Review. Outside of academia, Zy has been selected as one of the See Me Proud LGBT Community Champions and has co-founded the LGBTQI+ basketball group, the Rainbow Glasgaroos. Zy is bringing in their experience in psychology to help address issues related to anti-LGBT+ prejudice, stigma, and discrimination. Zy’s work in improving LGBT+ inclusion in higher education can contribute to developing policies and programmes that promote diversity, inclusion, and well-being across the LGBT+ community.
Robin Gay: (he/they)
Robin is currently the Student Voice Manager at Edinburgh University Students’ Association, where they oversee the Association’s democratic processes and support for over 1500 student representatives. They have previously worked directly with marginalised student communities, including Black and Minority Ethnic, disabled, and LGBT+ students, and empowered elected student representatives to campaign on a range of issues affecting these groups. They bring a range of experience to the Board including membership engagement, community development, and effective governance.
Nick Ward: (he/him)
Nick graduated from Edinburgh University before moving to London and becoming a secondary school teacher in some of the most challenging schools in the UK. He completed a Masters in Leadership at UCL and entered the charity sector, becoming the regional director for a large teacher training charity. He was also an elected councillor for the borough of Islington. After nearly 10 years in London he returned to Edinburgh and is now the Director of the National Autistic Society Scotland. He is a keen history geek and runner and is a member of the LGBT+ running club Frontrunners.
LGBT Health and Wellbeing is comprised 0f 26 full time staff.
The strategic aim is to attract and retain the best possible team of staff. We do this by ‘offering clear pathways to volunteering, employment, and development within the organisation ensuring the team feels supported, valued and listened to.
We recognise that being an LGBT+ person, or an active ally, whilst serving our community can cause particular and nuanced challenges for colleagues. Exposure to continuous microaggressions and political or media negativity that might otherwise be avoided, and an impact on our social relationships or use of queer spaces can risk having a detrimental impact on the health and wellbeing of colleagues.
Above our competitive Terms and Conditions of employment, colleagues are offered monthly support and supervision meetings, externally facilitated peer supervision, access to an Employee Assistance Programme, access to Learning and Development opportunities, and a Staff Wellbeing programme.
We aim to nurture a culture where colleagues feel empowered to provide direct and continuous feedback to their managers and our People Support Coordinator about their experience as an employee, and for them to ask for what they need. We also conduct an anonymous annual staff survey in order to proactively check-in with our team.
The organisation continues to secure new contracts with a range of partners, along with the extension of previously-awarded contracts.
NHS Lothian (£205,500)
Glasgow Health and Social Care Partnership (£136,045).
The Scottish Government (£68,400) continue to fund specific projects and services within the organisation.
Edinburgh Integration Joint Board provides some core funding (£101,456).
2024 Scottish Government grants: £895,000 of which £870,000 was spent on staff costs.
2024: Total Government grants to LGBTIQ+ Equality support organisations: £3,578,000. Staff costs around 60%
Sturgeon’s Government provided a guarantee of £586 million to Sanjeev Gupta’s company GFG Alliance as part of the company’s purchase of the Lochaber smelter. The figure was made public for the first time after a two-year transparency battle.
The revelation surfaced after ministers were slapped on the wrist for withholding the information from the public, with opposition leaders labelling it a “dodgy deal” and claiming the SNP was “desperate to avoid scrutiny”.
The agreement saw the Scottish Government guarantee 25 years of power purchases by Gupta’s company from another business owned by his father, with the guarantee funding the purchase of the aluminium smelter.
The guarantee allowed Greensill Capital to transform the guarantee into nearly £300m of debt with a credit rating equivalent to UK sovereign bonds to be created, funding the purchase.
The deal with the Scottish Government was provided when the smelter in Lochaber was purchased by GFG Alliance alongside two hydropower plants from Rio Tinto in 2016.
GFG Alliance also promised the construction of an alloy wheels factory near the smelter, which was scrapped in favour of a £94m recycled aluminium factory, which could have created 2,000 jobs. The SNP government admitted just 50 additional jobs had been created by the deal.
Gupta’s company hit the skids due to the collapse of Greensill Capital, which was partially blamed as Gupta’s company began to default on more than $5bn (£3.7bn) of debt GFG Alliance had borrowed from Greensill.
The Sturgeon guarantee required the Scottish taxpayer to cover Gupta’s annual amounts reportedly between £14m and £32m. An excessive amount for a fee initially valued at £21.4m, but later written down to zero with a £33m provision due to the potential exposure of the deal.
GFG Alliance said: “The Lochaber aluminium smelter is a profitable operation, and GFG Alliance’s commitment to invest in a new recycling and aluminium billet plant there will secure the future of the operations, create new high-quality employment in the area and provide opportunities for the local supply chain.”
SNP Ministers were also criticised by Scotland’s information watchdog for failing to release the total value of the deal after they claimed their commercial interests would be harmed by its release.
In a decision notice, Scottish Information Commissioner Daren Fitzhenry criticised the use of commercial interest as a defence, saying it was highly unlikely the release of the information would prejudice the negotiation of future guarantees. He said:
“The SNP ministers do not, in general, operate in a commercial environment and the commissioner does not consider them to be doing so simply because they are providing funding to, or guaranteeing the liabilities of, business.
“They do not undertake such activities as participants in the market with the businesses concerned, in pursuit of profit, but rather to promote the economic and social well-being of the country, or parts of it, in furtherance of the wider public good.”
“Nothing in the submissions offered here persuades the commissioner that the ministers’ interests should be regarded as especially ‘commercial’ here.
“There might be prejudice to the public purse if the guarantee were to be called up, and disclosure might (although the commissioner considers this less likely) prejudice the negotiation of future guarantees, but neither of these considerations suggests an interest that should properly be considered commercial (as opposed to more widely economic, or social).”.
A summary of an August 2017 meeting led by First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, warned the government had “reached the very limits of what was possible” and noted: “the potential to be overexposed to one company – a company that we know is on an aggressive expansion drive elsewhere”.
Sep 2024: But the £585 million government guarantee was called in as Guptas business collapsed. The Scottish taxpayer was forced to stump up the cash to cover Sturgeon’s incompetence bail out. And she has still not apologised.
Jan 2017: The million plus Unionist Petition to Westminster demanded an end to Independence electioneering
Figures posted in the media suggested that the outcome of another referendum would result in a: 48.00% “Yes” vote in favour of independence with 52.00% preferring to remain with the Union.
Early warnings predicted a loss of around 25 seats in the 2017 General Election.
This important information should have allowed Murrell to forward plan the SNP May 2017 electioneering strategy.
The 2017 General Election in Scotland first exposed Scottish voters to “data mining”. A new form of politics imported from the USA, providing tools and profiling information allowing Tory candidates to communicate personally with their prospective constituents.
The benefits were astounding. The Tories gained a stunning result, increasing their MP’s from 1 to 13 in total.
Tory candidates had been well briefed about the individual targets within their constituencies. The new voting strategy used predictive data models which identified, engaged and persuaded swing voters to turnout.
This was achieved through the use of internet, phone and personal surveys combined with many other data sets, created by teams of contracted data scientists, psychologists and political consultants allowing the campaign to map the Scottish electorate based on ideology, demographics, religious beliefs, strongly held opinions on key issues e.g. Independence, the Orange Lodge, Celtic, Rangers, The SNP and or political personalities.
The information gathered provided Tory campaign strategists with a predictive analysis based on thousands of data points on just about every voter in Scotland.
From that teams of political consultants and psychologists, hired by the Party directed the campaign and candidates on what and how to say it to selected groups of voters.
Other voter targeting, included use of Facebook adverts, one to one scripted phone calls and provision of the content of messages for door-to-door canvassers ensuring consistent communication with voters on any issue.
What won the day for the Tory party in 2017 was that they utilised “data mining” to gain a comprehensive understanding of the Scottish electorate and then used every communication aid available facilitating discussions with voters about matters important to them as individuals.
Throughout the campaign the Tory tactic was to constantly broadcast the “no new referendum” message in the “no” constituencies stressing the major difference between the Tory and any other candidates firmly imprinting this in the electorate’s minds.
In contrast the SNP campaign lacked inspiration. Murrell starved “at risk” constituencies of financial resources and failed to get the SNP voters out. Had he been the chief strategist of any political party other than the SNP he would have been given his marching orders.
Incredulously the First Minister, (his wife), supported by other members of the SNP executive Swinney, Robertson, doubled his salary and extended his contract of employment.
Recent revelations indicate that Murrell’s systematic misappropriation of SNP finances vastly increased in the weeks before and after the election suggesting that that SNP finances may have been insufficient to meet the demands of the 2017 General Election campaign by design.
The scandal involved rumours of a secret network (“Magic Circle”) of gay judges, lawyers, and advocates who allegedly conspired to pervert justice—e.g., by dropping or softening prosecutions against homosexual criminals or those with compromising information.
This arose amid cases like the embezzlement trial of solicitor Colin Tucker and Operation Planet (an investigation into underage male prostitution/”rent boys” linked to figures like Tam Paton).
Henderson, a defence lawyer involved in some of these cases, was accused of spreading and perpetuating the rumours. He claimed to possess a “list” (sometimes called a “lavender list”) of secretly gay senior legal figures, including judges, which could be used for leverage or blackmail. One confirmed name on a related statement was Lord Dervaird (who resigned after his homosexuality became public).
Nimmo Smith Report (1993): Led by William Nimmo Smith QC (later a judge) and Procurator Fiscal James Friel.
The inquiry examined the allegations and found no evidence of a conspiracy to pervert justice or a “Magic Circle.”
It cleared the legal establishment overall but strongly criticised Robert Henderson who was one of the “main instigators and perpetuators” of the belief in a broader list/document naming judges and others.
An extract from the report:”When certain aspects of Robert Henderson’s financial affairs first came under investigation, he took certain precautions. According to him, he expected that the police would arrive with a search warrant to search his house for documents.
He accordingly prepared a photocopy of certain documents which he intended to hand to the police in such an event, and he gave the principals in a manilla envelope, to Leeona Dorrian, Advocate, for safekeeping. She said she had been a friend as well as a colleague of his for many years.
She took receipt of the envelope on 18 August 1989, a date which she wrote on it herself, and retained it in her possession continuously until, by arrangement with Robert Henderson, she exhibited the envelope and its contents to us.
We looked through the papers and are satisfied that they relate solely to his financial affairs. There is no question of the envelope’s containing a “list” or any other document relating to the alleged homosexual behaviour or any other aspect of the private life of any person.
We have no reason to suppose that anyone else holds papers on behalf of Robert Henderson. In particular we are satisfied that one Elaine Matthews, does not hold and never has held any such papers.
Our conclusion must therefore be that Robert Henderson chose to let it be believed that he was in possession of information.”
Afternote:
There is no public evidence that Robert Henderson QC and Leeona Dorrian worked out of the same office or “stable” (chambers). Dorrian had government-related roles (Standing Junior Counsel, Advocate Depute), which often involved separate arrangements.
If they had been in the same stable, contemporary reports or the inquiry would likely have noted it more explicitly, especially given the scrutiny on Henderson. Their connection appears to be a longstanding friendship rather than shared chambers.
The report also criticised some police conduct (e.g., treating rumours as fact, possible homophobia). No criminal proceedings resulted from the inquiry.
Later investigations suggested Henderson may have amplified the Magic Circle rumours as a smokescreen to protect himself and associates from scrutiny over financial crimes (e.g., alleged property fraud) and child sexual abuse.
His daughter Susie Henderson publicly accused him of abusing her as a child and facilitating her abuse by friends/colleagues in the legal world (e.g., John Watt QC, later convicted of historic child sex offences).
note:
The father of two children molested by John Watt QC told a court during the trial of Watt that he told the then Lord Advocate, Lord Hardie about the abuse while Hardie was Watt’s devilmaster. Lord Hardie did not go to the police and report the child abuse. Watt was convicted in 2022 of assaults/rape on four children. including Susie. The mother of one of the children said: “If anyone learns that a colleague has abused a child, they should go to the police, no question. Anyone who touches a child in a sexual manner is a danger to all children. If that is where their interests lie, they will do anything to be alone with children”. “It is hard to understand how someone responsible for the conduct of advocates, the lord advocate, responsible for prosecution, and a High Court judge could fail to do what needed to be done”
Henderson died in 2012 without facing charges for these allegations.
He had prior personal legal issues, including divorce proceedings and aliment (maintenance) disputes with former partners.
He was married three times.
First Marriage: Olga Henderson (née ?) Married: 1958.
They had at least three children, including daughter Susie Henderson (born ~1966).
Divorce: Bitter and acrimonious, with proceedings and custody battles in the 1970s (notably a 1976 Court of Session hearing).
Olga cited his excessive drinking, sexual promiscuity, involvement in pornography, immorality, and unsuitable associations. A specific 1975 adultery incident (when Henderson was 38) was used as evidence.
Custody was awarded to Olga, though Henderson had regular contact. Post-divorce disputes were prolonged: he allegedly failed to pay aliment (maintenance) reliably, emptied Susie’s child’s savings account, and there were housing issues (he kept the family New Town mansion while Olga and children faced instability).
Ben Borland) Daily Express later reported: “Scottish lawyer avoids investigation despite paedo allegations.”
The Article examined allegations by Susie Henderson (Robert Henderson QC’s daughter) that her father sexually abused her over many years and facilitated her abuse by others, including Sir Nicholas Fairbairn.
Susie first reported claims to police in 2000 and again around 2014;
At the time of the article, Police Scotland was investigating historic child abuse probes.
The piece highlighted that authorities had suspicions about Henderson decades earlier, based on court documents from his bitter 1970s divorce from first wife Olga. It presents this as the first contemporary evidence supporting Susie’s claims.
Key Details from the 1976 Court Report (for custody hearing before Lord Maxwell).
Olga alleged Robert was unsuitable as a custodian because he: Regularly drank to excess. Was extremely sexually promiscuous. Was involved in pornography. Was generally “immoral.” Associated with unsuitable people (including a woman alleged to be a well-known Edinburgh prostitute who visited the house almost daily). Had violently assaulted her in front of the children on at least one occasion.
The claims were supported by Olga’s parents and two family friends.
Henderson dismissed them as his ex-wife behaving “hysterically.”
This evidence supported Olga’s divorce on grounds of adultery. Custody went to Olga, but Henderson retained regular contact with the children.
Post-Divorce Disputes. The article detailed ongoing acrimony:
Henderson often failed to pay court-ordered aliment (maintenance).
He once emptied Susie’s National Savings account to buy a Morris Mini.
He retained the family New Town mansion;
Olga and children faced unstable housing, including eviction from a dilapidated flat he owned.
In 1979, he allegedly visited the flat unannounced, behaved threateningly, smashed furniture, and put the family in fear.
A social worker-style report noted a decline in Susie’s school performance and personality after the split.
Broader Context in the Article
Despite these red flags, Henderson took silk (became QC) in 1982, handled major cases, and later became central to the Magic Circle affair.
It also mentions Susan O’Brien QC’s minor prior connection to the case.
The Sunday Express piece was significant because it unearthed archival divorce/custody documents (National Archives of Scotland) that provided independent, contemporaneous corroboration for Susie Henderson’s much later public allegations.
These fed into wider discussions around the Magic Circle scandal and potential cover-ups.
The piece’s key contribution was unearthing contemporaneous 1970s court documents from Henderson’s bitter divorce and custody battle with his first wife, Olga.
These provided independent, decades-old evidence supporting Susie’s claims — the first such public corroboration at the time.
This supported Olga’s adultery claim. Custody of the children (including Susie) was awarded to Olga, but Henderson retained regular contact. Post-divorce disputes were acrimonious:
He allegedly failed to pay maintenance reliably, emptied Susie’s savings account, kept the family New Town mansion, and there were claims of threatening behaviour (e.g., smashing furniture in 1979).
Susie Henderson’s Response
Susie declined direct comment due to the ongoing police investigation but was reportedly “relieved and delighted” that contemporary evidence had surfaced.
Broader Context in 2015 Coverage
This Express piece appeared amid growing public interest in historic abuse claims linked to the Magic Circle affair, Operation Planet, and figures in Scotland’s legal and political establishment.
It highlighted how suspicions about Henderson existed in official records decades before Susie’s public allegations, yet no formal investigation into him occurred during his lifetime (he died in 2012).
Suspicions about Henderson were reportedly noted by authorities around the time of this divorce.
Second Marriage: Carol Black 1982 -1989.
Third Marriage: Carolyn (or Carol) Gell. Married: 1995.
She survived him; obituaries refer to her as his third wife and note their life together, including time in France.
Henderson died suddenly in France in December 2012.
Henderson also had a relationship in the early 1990s resulting in a child, with a 1994 court order requiring him to pay aliment/maintenance (~£29,000 at the time).
The report records the findings of the extensive investigation. The majority of readers starved of detail viewed it as a whitewash, covering up the homosexual activities, (illegal at the time) of a number of senior members of the judiciary.
The report unintentionally opens many avenues of investigation into the murky world of paedophilia, organised crime, and financial mismanagement of taxpayer finance.
This article will investigate a number of these avenues and in doing so reveal the inadequacy of the original “Magic Circle” report and in some cases their relevance to current events
Perhaps the most high profile event at this time was the resignation of Lord Dervaird in 1989. The whole of the media was buzzing with these stories but I did not associate Ian McFarlane Walker or Colin Tucker with these stories at the time, though it turned out they were pivotal in these events.
Having sex with children is a serious offence against the law, and in the late 1980’s having homosexual sex with anyone under the age of 21 was an offence. So when it was suggested in the press that there was serious concern that a select group of people nicknamed the “Magic Circle” because of their knowledge of criminality in this regard among judges were able to threaten blackmailing them in order to gain court verdicts in their favour Tam Dalyell, MP demanded a police investigation. LINK
A victim of the Magic Circle paedophile ring has spoken for the first time about the damage caused to teenagers groomed to sell sex.
The man, in his fifties, was one of 11 underage youths discovered in a police probe named Operation Planet into high-level professionals in Edinburgh exploiting teen boys in the early 90s.
Ten of the abusers, including a lawyer, a senior journalist, a primary teacher, an engineering executive and a supermarket manager, faced 57 charges. An adult sex worker who recruited the youths for his clients was jailed for four years but the powerful men who paid the boys for sex walked free – one after a not proven verdict while the others never faced trial.
Of the 11 underage sex workers – some had started selling sex at 15 and even 14 – five have died. The youngest pair, 15 and 16 at the time charges were brought, died in their 20s, one by suicide and one overdosed on drugs. But one surviving victim claims the men accused “got away with it” and had caused untold damage.
Speaking on a BBC podcast, the victim said: “It was a really difficult time for me. I can see clear as day they were taking advantage. “I can see grooming. I thought it was fine then but it really wasn’t.”
The Magic Circle Affair was named because high-profile sex crime investigations, including Planet, seemed to vanish from the justice system.
Lothian and Borders Police ordered a detective, Roger Orr, now retired, to look into the matter and he recommended a probe. The force hierarchy feared a political backlash and shredded the report but it was leaked to the media.
William Nimmo Smith QC investigated the matter and in 1993 gave the Scottish legal profession a clean bill of health, with the exception of one famous QC, Robert Henderson.
He claimed to have a list of prominent people in the law, including judges, who were secretly gay, implying he had the power to end their careers. Henderson’s nickname, Shiny Bob, hinted at a darker side that operated outside the law.
Ex-prosecutor John Watt QC, now 73, a friend of Henderson who had acted alongside him to defend some of the accused in Magic Circle cases, was jailed for historic child sex offences.
One of his victims, Henderson’s daughter Susie, 56, who has waived her right to anonymity, now believes her dad orchestrated the Magic Circle affair as a smokescreen to cover up a paedophile ring.
Susie has identified several senior lawyers among her dad’s friends who were allowed by him to sexually abuse her. He also raped her repeatedly during her childhood.
Her father and most of her abusers are dead but Susie reported her abuse in 2014 and a police operation followed which led to Watt’s extradition from the US. He was convicted and jailed for 10 years for raping Susie and a boy of 10, and abusing two other children.
Susie said last night: “Most of my abusers are dead but there is still one powerful man living and free, reputation intact.” Daily Record
Comment: Adds perspective to John Sweeney’s recent statements about the independence of the police from the Judiciary.
“The force hierarchy feared a political backlash and shredded the report but it was leaked to the media.”
Items worth around £60,000, (many of which were purchases appropriate to a female, panties, clothing, perfumes, etc. and household items) were removed from Murrell’s charge sheet, at his request, through negotiation reducing it from £460,000 to £400,000.
The CPS approved the unusual course of action after Murrell undertook to refund the £60,000, but steps to recover the items purchased were not pursued.
There are some who believe that Sturgeon herself purchased many of the items and passed the receipts to Murrell for processing through the SNP accounts, but the police, after many hours of frustrating, non cooperative, “no comment” reply’s from Sturgeon and in the absence of corroboration statements from Murrell that she did, admitted defeat and released her without charge.
In a public statement, shortly after her release, Sturgeon, insisted nothing belonging to her should form part of Murrell’s repayment commitment leaving her vulnerable to criticism that she would, by result be benefitting from the theft. The £60,000 has been expunged from the charges and cannot be referred to again.
Proceeds of Crime – Assets under restraint:
Court papers list Murrell’s motorhome, (he is still the registered owner) £613k in pensions, and his share of Uddingston home have been frozen to assist repayment of the £400k and the separate £60,000 embezzlement.
Not given mention by the police is Murrell amd Sturgeon’s sale of their Portuguese villa, which they frequently visited, for an undisclosed sum only months after securing legal aid for his embezzlement trial.
Critics raised questions about eligibility rules aruing that such assets should disqualify applicants but the Scottish Legal Aid Board said Murrell met all the qualifying criteria
Swinney, who was responsible for cutting spending and imposing a two-year pay freeze in the public sector, sold his Edinburgh residence for £430,000 having bought the four-bedroom apartment on one of the capital’s most desirable streets for £355,000 in December 2003 while SNP leader.
At the time, the two-storey terraced property was the most expensive second home ever bought by an MSP.
Swinney on a salary of £100,000 a year, used parliamentary allowances to pay the interest on his RBS mortgage, ultimately claiming more than £60,000 from the public purse.
He also claimed around £10,000 to pay council tax for the Band G property on Morningside’s Hermitage Terrace.
Swinney, whose main home is in his North Tayside constituency, put the Edinburgh property on the market in June for “offers over £395,000”.
The prospectus praised its “magnificent” 23-foot drawing room, private front garden, “delightful leafy outlook” over Blackford Hill to the rear. It was under offer within weeks.
An application to record the final sale at £430,000 was made to Registers of Scotland on August 1. After capital gains tax, Mr Swinney made a profit of around £57,000.
Announcing a £1.3 billion cut in public spending in February, he said he wanted to “help households facing pay restraint and … increases in VAT and fuel prices”. However, he has also warned the public: “Hard choices must be made.”
Mr Swinney’s gain on the property was one of the largest ever recorded by an MSP.
Swinney has earned a fortune thanks to British taxpayers(Image: Jeff J Mitchell/Getty Images)
He enjoys the good life courtesy of the Scottish taxpayer, who, have stumped up over £2.5 million to his salary since he entered Holyrood in 1999.A huge figure is further boosted by his ministerial salary between 2007 and 2023. His two years in Bute House added around £200,000 to the sum and the figure does not include his four years as MP for Tayside North between 1997 and 2001, or the expenses he will have claimed during that period. Estimated at £500.000
Swinney as the current first minister, stands to earn a further £950,000 plus expenses
Total cost to the Scottish taxpayer. Approximately £5 million
Putting his pay into context, a worker on the average Scottish wage since 1999 would have earned around £696,000 in the same time period. The Herald
Swinney’s hypocrisy exposed as SNP MSPs own second homes portfolio worth £4.5m
Michelle Thomson, who has stood down as MSP for Falkirk East, is the SNP’s property queen(Image: Andrew Milligan/PA Wire)
At the end of May 2025, which is the last time the Scottish Parliament register of interests was published, SNP politicians owned a litany of second, third and even fourth homes as well as rental and commercial property worth at least £4.5million.
MSPs do not have to register any home used as their main residence, or even properties they own which are used by their spouse or civil partner. Under the Holyrood rules, many MSPs are also entitled to rent a flat in Edinburgh at taxpayers’ expense.
Flat in Edinburgh, worth £150-£200k, rental income £10-£15k, Sold in April 2024
Commercial property in Fife, worth £200-@250k, rental income £5-£10k, Sold in June 2024
Public finance minister Ivan McKee and his wife run a Glasgow property firm with assets worth £656,088, while Michele Thomson is involved with two different property companies.
Keith Brown:
One-sixth share in a flat in East Lothian, worth £150-£200k
Kenneth Gibson:
Flat in Glasgow, worth £150-£200k, rental income £10-£15k
Gillian Martin:
Cottage in Aberdeenshire, worth £50-£100k
Michael Matheson:
Michael Matheson refused to step down over his expenses scandal(Image: Jane Barlow/PA Wire)
House in the Highlands, worth £250-£300k, rental income £15-£20k
Ivan McKee:
House in Stirling, worth £500-£600k, rental income £10-£15k, Sold March 2025
Half-owner of EISM Properties Ltd, which owns fixed assets worth £656,088
Paul McLennan:
House in Dunbar, East Lothian, worth £150k-£200k, rental income up to £5k
Audrey Nicoll:
Half-owner of flat in Edinburgh worth £200-£250k
Michelle Thomson:
House in Edinburgh, worth £150-£200k, rental income up to £5k
Flat in Edinburgh, worth £200-£250k, rental income up to £5k
Flat in West Lothian, worth £50-£100k, rental income up to £5k
Sole trader of Thomson Holdings, a property investment company. Paid £10-£15k per year
Director of Senza Rit Ltd, a property management company
Eveylyn Tweed:
Commercial property in Stirling, worth £50-£100k, Sold March 2024
Items removed from the initial charge sheet as part of Murrells plea deal included anything which could be construed as directly linking to Sturgeon eg using SNP funds to pay £22.04 for the tome Women Hold Up Half The Sky. The £86.89 purchase of ten books by Val McDermid. Sturgeon’s close personal friend. Two pairs of Nike women’s tracksuit bottoms. Two Nike Element women’s tops. And extraordinary purchases of toilet rolls from Amazon.
The wee fat man is taking the rap for other peoples crimes methinks
caltonjock 