LGBTIQ+ Equality

Equality Network Ltd: The aim of the Equality Network project is to create lasting improvement in the situation of LGBTIQ people in Scotland. Director, Peter Hope-Jones, (also employed by the Scottish Government).

2024 Scottish Government grants : £576,316 of which approx £450,000 was spent on staff costs, (14-16).

LEAP Sports Scotland: Scotland’s LGBTIQ+ sports charity campaigning for equality, visibility and greater participation for LGBTIQ+ people in all areas of sport.

2024 Scottish & Local Government grants : £126,000: Total funding all organisations £550,000 of which approx £320,000 was spent on staff costs.

LGBT Youth Scotland: Scotland’s national charity for LGBTQ+ young people, aged 13-25. Supports young people in all aspects of their lives through the provision of youth work, supporting them to use their voice to create change in equality and human rights.

2024 Scottish Government grants: £1,871,046 of which £1,500,000 was spent on staff costs (17 Operational 32 Project work)

Stonewall Equality Ltd: Over the past 35 years, Stonewall has primarily focused its activity in two key domains – influencing legislation and policy, and creating change through research, programming and leadership development.

Stonewall has played a very significant and important role in changing the law to improve the lives of LGBTQ+ people. This includes:

The repeal of Section 28: We were founded in direct response to Section 28, the homophobic legislation that prevented young people learning about homosexuality in schools.

Equalising the age of consent: The Sexual Offences Amendment Act (2001) lowered the age of consent for gay and bi men to 16, aligning the age of consent with heterosexuals.

Lifting the ban on military service: Until 2000, LGBTQ+ people were banned from the British military, often dismissed or stripped of medals. Stonewall campaigned to end this discrimination, leading to the ban’s repeal in 2000.

The right for LGBTQ+ couples to adopt: The Adoption and Children Act came into effect in 2002 and allowed unmarried couples, including LGBTQ+ couples, to apply for joint adoption.

Marriage equality: The Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Act made history by legalising same-sex marriage in Scotland 2014,

2024 Scottish Government grant: Around £110,000 of which £3000 was SG membership fees. Note Company folded but S.G. maintained the funding support.

LGBT Healthy Living Centre: LGBT Health and Wellbeing was set up in 2003 to improve the health, wellbeing, and equality of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT+) people in Scotland. It provides responsive support services, a social programme for the community to connect with each
other in sober and safer spaces, and supports mainstream services to become more inclusive.

2024 Scottish Government grants: £895,000 of which £870,000 was spent on staff costs.

2024: Total Government grants to LGBTIQ+ Equality support organisations: £3,578,000. Staff costs around 60%

Inspiring Scotland Fund: The £28 million funds key themes and challenges of the under noted E&HR funded organisations.

Autism 2023/2024 Autism ATLAS Ltd. £6,276
Autism Understanding Scotland £28,344
Central Advocacy Partners £9,249
HOPE for Autism £8,425
Inspired Community Enterprise Trust Ltd £26,443
Into Work £28,349
IWORK4ME £5,528
Perth Autism Support SCIO £14,174
SWAN Autism Scotland £13,104
Autism Initiatives £36,363
Cosgrove Care £14,351
Home-Start Caithness £14,590
Home-Start East Highland Ltd. £14,604
HOPE for Autism £7,518
Networking Key Service Limited £12,280
Perth Autism Support SCIO £13,537
Salvesen Mindroom Centre £10,115
SensationALL £10,325
SWAN Autism Scotland £28,482
The Autism Network £9,070
The National Autistic Society £30,116
Aberdeen Foyer £26,381
Callander Youth Project Trust £21,480
FARE Scotland £30,000
Grassmarket Community Project £25,193
Inspired Community Trust Ltd £23,941
Move On £22,658
Ando Glaso £26,052
Common Wheel £15,815
Glasgow Disability Alliance £26,666
Govanhill Baths Community Trust £17,602
Impact Arts (Projects) Ltd £11,101
LGBT Youth Scotland £23,429
Refuweegee £15,258
The Sound Lab £19,991
The Village Storytelling Centre £26,644
Toonspeak Young People’s Theatre £24,839
Delivering Equally Safe £50,341
Aberdeen Cyrenians Ltd £36,578
Aberlour Child Care Trust £49,759
Action for Children £24,764.42
Muslim Women’s Resource Centre £20,589
Angus Women’s Aid £52,386.
Argyll & Bute Rape Crisis £46,195
Argyll & Bute Violence against Women and Girls £8,606
Argyll & Bute Women’s Aid SCIO £82,521
ASSIST, Glasgow City Council £69,047
Barnardo’s £44,000
Border Women’s Aid Ltd £8,368
British Red Cross Society £13,461
Caithness & Sutherland Women’s Aid £36,134
CEA Committed To Ending Abuse £18,978
Central Advocacy Partners £36,625
Children 1st £55,700
Clackmannanshire Women’s Aid £28,073
Close the Gap (SCIO) £40,261
Cumbernauld & District Women’s Aid SCIO £26,250
Deaf Links £30,633
Dumbarton District Women’s Aid £29,900
Dumfries & Galloway Council £16,006
Dumfries & Galloway Rape Crisis Support Centre £48,282
Dumfriesshire & Stewartry Women’s Aid £22,076
Dundee City Council £33,552
Dundee International Women’s Centre £6,044
Dundee Women’s Aid £54,982
East Ayrshire Health & Social Care Partnership £12,865
East Ayrshire Women’s Aid £27,924
East Dunbartonshire Assn For Mental Health 24,375.00
East Dunbartonshire Women’s Aid SCIO £22,678
East & Midlothian Public Protection Committee £28,784
Edinburgh Rape Crisis Centre £101,474
Edinburgh Women’s Aid Ltd £52,164
EmilyTest £15,614
Engender £25,884
FENIKS Counselling, & Support Service Ltd £31,794
Fife Council £33,941
Fife Rape and Sexual Assault Centre £46,069
Fife Women’s Aid £38,500
Forth Valley Rape Crisis Centre £63,756
GEMAP Scotland Ltd £60,043
Glasgow and Clyde Rape Crisis £121,894
Glasgow East Women’s Aid Ltd £38,454
Glasgow Women’s Aid £107,078
Grampian Women’s Aid £48,506
Hemat Gryffe Women’s Aid Limited £57,12
INVERCLYDE WOMEN’S AID SCIO £48,750
Just Right Scotland SCIO £9,267
Kenyan Women in Scotland Association (CIC) £7,683
Kibble Education and Care Centre £14,020
Kingdom Abuse Survivors Project £10,424
Lanarkshire Rape Crisis Centre £62,380
LGBT Youth Scotland £12,372
Liber8 (Lanarkshire) Ltd £114,905
Lochaber Women’s Aid £47,358
Monklands Women’s Aid £56,078
Moray Rape Crisis £59,978
Moray Women’s Aid £41,324
Motherwell & District Women’s Aid £53,449
Multi-Cultural Family Base £23,386
North Ayrshire Women’s Aid £21,869
North Lanarkshire Council £35,505
Orkney Rape Assault Service (ORSAS) £28,432
Perth & Kinross Council £10,606
Perthshire Women’s Aid £60,500
Rape and Sexual Abuse Centre, Perth & Kinross £58,229
Rape and Sexual Abuse Service Highland £62,965
Rape Crisis Grampian £44,805
Rape Crisis Scotland £234,000
Renfrewshire Council £30,000
Renfrewshire Council, Children, Women Children £40,008
Renfrewshire Women’s Aid SCIO £24,191
Respect £8,839
Ross-Shire Women’s Aid £58,947
Rowan Alba Ltd £16,976
Sacro £34,549
Safe Lives £20,123
Saheliya £37,688
Sandyford– NHS Greater Glasgow and Clyde £4,391
SAY Women £13,002
Scottish Borders Council £11,175
Scottish Borders Rape Crisis Centre (SBRCC) £42,327
Scottish Commission for Learning Disability £24,502
Scottish Women’s Aid £135,000
Shakti Women’s Aid £75,000
Shetland Rape Crisis £43,274
Shetland Women’s Aid (SCIO) £47,820
South Ayrshire Women’s Aid £41,496
South Lanarkshire Council £9,456
South West Grid for Learning Trust Ltd £14,533
Stirling & District Women’s Aid £43,461
The Highland Council £46,550
The Improvement Service £48,467
The Star Centre £32,632
University of Glasgow Court £16,171.88
Venture Trust £17,273.88
West Dunbartonshire Council £23,439.88
Western Isles Rape Crisis Centre £21,007.94
Western Isles Women’s Aid SCIO £13,000.00
West Lothian Council £45,184.94
West Lothian Women’s Aid (WLWA) £18,707.63
White Ribbon Scotland £18,750.00
Wigtownshire Women’s Aid £22,500.00
Women’s Aid East and Midlothian Ltd £113,084.25
Women’s Aid Orkney £63,466.41
Women’s Aid South Lanark & East Renfrew £100,000.00
Women’s Rape & Sexual Abuse Dundee and Angus £96,879.88
Women’s Support Project £52,656.00
Young Women’s Movement £6,754.46
Zero Tolerance £75,621.75
EMDR – Supervision Survivors Unite £600.00
EMDR – Travel Grant Survivors Unite £365.00
Equality & Human Rights – 028 Age Scotland £101,685.88
Amina – the Muslim Women’s Resource Centre £51,754.75
BEMIS Scotland £53,750.00
Boots and Beards £18,915.13
British Deaf Association £57,545.63
Central Scotland Regional Equality Council £18,769.25
Civil Rights First £17,640.00
Close the Gap (SCIO) £56,634.88
Coalition for Racial Equality and Rights £36,119.88
Ethnic Minority Voluntary Sector Organisations £49,775.00
Deaf blind Scotland £18,744.75
Disability Equality Scotland £41,205.25
Disability Information Scotland £41,934.38
Equate Scotland £90,935.75
Elect Her £25,011.88
Engender £89,951.63
Environmental Rights Centre for Scotland (ERCS) £13,203.25
Equality Network Limited £125,816.25
Ethnic Minorities Law Centre £47,678.38
FENIKS Counselling, Development Service Ltd £20,370.50
Friends of Romano Lav £18,399.38
Generations Working Together £51,732.69
Glasgow Council for the Voluntary Sector £61,486.25
Glasgow Disability Alliance £83,334.38
Glasgow Women’s Library Ltd £31,264.00
Grampian Regional Equality Council Ltd. £7,111.25
Inclusion Scotland £206,250.00
Intercultural Youth Scotland (IYS) £54,023.93
Just Right Scotland SCIO £24,360.50
Kairos Women+ £11,611.13
(LEAP) in Sports Scotland £17,850.63
Legal Services Agency Ltd. £34,289.13
LGBT Healthy Living Centre £47,483.00
LGBT Youth Scotland £72,717.63
Minority Ethnic Carers of People Project £38,102.25
Multi-Cultural Family Base £11,429.25
Neighbourhood Networks £23,489.13
Outside the Box Development Support £14,756.75
Scottish Ethnic Minority Deaf Charity £19,663.75
Scottish TUC (Scottish Pensioners’ Forum) £12,228.25
Scottish Women’s Budget Group £18,595.75
Scottish Women’s Convention £49,166.75
STEP £42,784.38
Stonewall Equality Limited £26,626.25
The Poverty Alliance £33,497.13
The Scottish Older People’s Assembly £12,275.00
West of Scotland Regional Equality Council £36,915.13
Young Women’s Movement £36,163.00
Aberlour Child Care Trust £12,186.00
Action for Children £9,157.00
Barnardo’s £8,5941.00
Befriend a Child £8,459.00
COVEY £9,411.00
Kirkcaldy YMCA £9,366.00
Move On £8,325.00
Quarriers £9,962.00
Right There £9,697.00
Volunteer Glasgow £6,424.00
YMCA Edinburgh £10,735.00
Y Sort It £5,340.00
Crowd funder 2023 Aberlour Child Care Trust £980.00
Action for Children £1,541.00
Barnardo’s £1,401.00
Befriend a Child £1,401.00
COVEY £840.00
Kirkcaldy YMCA £1,401.00
Move On £840.00
Quarriers £840.00
Right There £3,221.00
Volunteer Glasgow £980.00
YMCA Edinburgh SCIO £3,222.00
Y Sort It £840.00
2025 Action for Children £10,012.00
Barnardo’s £5538.00
Befriend a Child £10,088.00
Right There £15,951.00
YMCA Edinburgh £13,966.00
Y Sort It £1,624.00
Values Into Action Scotland £75,000.00
Learning Disabilities
get2gether £13,500.00
Inspired Community Enterprise Trust Ltd £25,000.00
music ALL £22,500.00
People First (Scotland) £85,348.00
Promoting a More Inclusive Society £112,500.00
Values Into Action Scotland (VIAS) £64,800.00
Link Up Kirkcaldy YMCA £46,667.00
North Edinburgh Arts £11,872.00
The Ayrshire Community Trust £41,395.00
Aberdeen Foyer £25,964.00
Action for Children £130,351
Calman Trust £9,625
East Ayrshire Carers Centre £13,375
ENABLE Scotland £59,784
FARE Scotland £82,344
Hot Chocolate Trust £7,780
Move On £31,324
RUTS £52,750
Street League £144,318
Tullochan £23,324
yipworld £13,000
Enterprise Queen Margaret University £7,000
Human Development Scotland £4,015
3D Drumchapel £4,000
Aberlour Child Care Trust £20,000
Home-Start East Highland Ltd. £15,000
Home-Start East Lothian £4,000
Home-Start Glasgow North & North Lanarkshire £19,956
Home-Start Glasgow South £4,000
Home-Start Levenmouth £3,633
Home-Start Renfrewshire and Inverclyde £3,679
Let’s All Talk North East Mums £3,997
Mellow Parenting £3,803
Midlothian Sure Start £19,976
Mind Mosaic Counselling & Therapy £4,000
Multi-Cultural Family Base £4,000
Nurture the Borders £3,873
PMH Borders £11,250
Pregnancy Counselling and Care (Scotland) £4,00
Quarriers £19,874
Starcatchers Productions Ltd £3,333
Stepping Stones North Edinburgh £13,314
With Kids £3,960
Advocacy Orkney £7,565
Advocacy Aberdeen £16,454
Advocacy Western Isles £24,902
Ayrshire Independent Living Network £22,296
Borders Direct Payment Agency £14,780
Braemar Care £3,250
Capability Scotland £25,430
Carr Gomm £68,006
Circles Network £28,522
Clyde Shopmobility £5,547
Cornerstone Community Care £17,890
Disabled Person’s Housing Service Fife £17,309
East Ayrshire Carers Centre £18,495
ENABLE Scotland £24,964
Equal Say Limited £20,080
Glasgow Centre for Inclusive Living £58,697
Improving Lives £15,291
Independent Living Association Forth Valley £12,833
Lothian Centre for Inclusive Living £39,751
Minority Ethnic Carers of People Project £18,504
Perth & Kinross Association of Voluntary Service £10,678
Self -Directed Support, East Renfrewshire £34,041
Shetland Community Connections SCIO £26,075
Support Choices £18,305
The Advisory Group £16,548
The Advocacy Project £21,313
The Community Brokerage Network £43,268
Thistle Foundation £27,277.
VOCAL – Voice of Carers Across Lothian £26,411.
Voluntary Action North Lanarkshire £26,487
Award 2023 Ayrshire Independent Living Network £3,563
Capability Scotland £1,781
Circles Network £3,563
Glasgow Centre for Inclusive Living £3,563
Self-Directed Support Forum East Renfrewshire £1,781
STAND £1,781
Support Choices £1,781
The Community Brokerage Network CIC £403
Voice of Carers Across Lothian £1,781
Survivors 2023/2024 The Body Mind Studio £3,754
3D Drumchapel £5,820
Belville Community Garden Trust £6,211
Bridgend Farmhouse £7,770
Canongate Youth £4,726
Children 1st £7,791
Concrete Garden £6,801
Earthtime for All Ltd £2,541
East Lothian Play Association SCIO £7,785
Family and Community Development West Lothian £4,522
Getting Better Together Ltd £5,176
Include Us £7,737
Jeely Piece Club £7,744
Kingsway Community Connections £9,591
Kirkcaldy YMCA £7,700
MADE4U IN ML2 £7,770
North Edinburgh Arts £7,252
OutLET Play Resource £6,847
Parent Action for Safe Play £7,643
PEEK- Possibilities For Each and Every Kid £7,791
Play Scotland £7,545
Project 31 £7,633
Renfrew YMCA £7,684
Royston Youth Action £7,772
Smart Play Network £7,187
The Ecology Centre £4,855
The Urban Roots Initiative £7,576
The Venchie Children and Young People’s Project £7,712
Under The Trees £6,381
YMCA Edinburgh £6,805
East Lothian Play Association £8,137
Include Me 2 Club £9,450
Scotland Yard Adventure Centre £9,450
Under The Trees £9,450
Thrive Outdoors Active Play £7,500
FARE Scotland £15,000
Jeely Piece Club £15,000
Possibilities For Each and Every Kid £15,000
FARE Scotland £1,850
Jeely Piece Club £1,850
Possibilities For Each and Every Kid £1,850
Care and Learning Alliance £36,157
FARE Scotland £12,875
Jeely Piece Club £12,875
Possibilities For Each and Every Kid £12,875
Scottish Sports Futures £12,000
Care Antonine Care Ltd £10,000
Beyond Limits Dumfries & Galloway £1,000
Bhart Ltd Trading £1,000
Carers Scotland Ltd £2,126
Clacks & Stirling (Stirling Adult Social Care Team) £5,000
Clece Care Services £5,000
Drylaw Rainbow Club Day Centre £786
East Dunbartonshire Assoc For Mental Health £2,100
ENABLE Scotland £9,950
Falkirk Council (Burnbrae Home) £4,200
Greencross Care Home £5,000
Hillview Care Home £6,980
Lancefield Care Home £5,200
Marchglen Care Centre £5,000
Norwood Care Home £2,000
Park Homes Carlingwark House Care Home £1,850
Parklands Limited (Burnbank Care Home) £2,500
Parklands Limited (Parklands Care Home) £5,000
Perth & Kinross Council (LD and Autism social work £560
Quality Care Scotland Ltd £3,600
Shetland Islands Council Outreach, £1,600
Shetland Islands Council Outreach, flexi workers £700
Shetland Islands Council,Outreach, St Sunniva £1,600
Summerdale Care Home £2,700
Turning Point Scotland (Ayr) £3,500
Turning Point Scotland (Dundee) £6,550
Turning Point Scotland (Prestwick) £3,300
Turning Point Scotland (Renfrewshire) £8,868
Aberdeen Foyer £25,000
Action for Children £62,500
ENABLE Scotland £46,250
FARE Scotland £40,000
Street League £59,829
The Talk About Trust £12,088

1 March 2000: The constitutional position of the Lord Advocate

The position of the Lord Advocate and the criticism being meted out by the media and public generally on the resignation of Lord Hardie

Lord Hardie’s resignation as Lord Advocate has come at a bad time – and not just for the First Minister and his beleaguered Cabinet.  For if following the progress of the new legislature on the Mound and coping with the increasing importance of the European Convention on Human Rights were not enough to keep the legal profession in Scotland sufficiently occupied, there is now added the task of attempting to answer the non-lawyer who cares to ask, “What’s all this fuss about?”

In providing an explanation, it seems fair to say that the strident response which the resignation has provoked has its roots in the recent developments referred to above.  Lord Advocates have been elevated to the Bench in the past (and have suffered stinging criticism as a result) yet the flavour of the recent criticisms seems slightly different, rolling together worries over the Lockerbie trial, the ECHR, judicial appointments and underlying disquiet at the Lord Advocate’s position in the Scottish Cabinet.

Taken as a whole, these criticisms go further than the issue of judicial appointments per se to a more fundamental concern with the constitutional position of the Lord Advocate and his combined roles of politician, prosecutor, and judge-maker.  Certainly, this seems an unnecessary number of responsibilities for any one individual and are cause for alarm in those with even a passing interest in the notion of separation of powers.  In untangling the various strands of recent comment it may be useful, then, to explore these different combinations of functions and assess them individually.

The Lord Advocate as prosecutor and politician

Public prosecution of crime is the historical raison d’etre of the Lord Advocate, his responsibility for prosecution being formalised by an Act of Parliament of 1587.  Having been given the right to instigate proceedings regardless of the wishes of the party injured by an offence, the last 400 or so years have seen prosecution of crime become – in all but the most exceptional case – the exclusive province of the Crown.  That there are good reasons for an Office of State devoted to prosecution is undisputed.  More difficult to reconcile is the embodiment of that Office in an individual who has grown to be such a significant figure in the Scottish “political hierarchy”1.  As adviser to the government on Scots law (and as occasional counsel for the government in litigation), the Lord Advocate became intimately associated with the government of the day, an association made all the stronger when – as happened for most of the 20th Century – he sat as an MP or in the Lords.  This dual role has given rise to two competing impulses: that the Lord Advocate should be both independent in his prosecutorial capacity and politically accountable as a law officer.

This desire for political accountability has been given weight even where the question involves the prosecutorial rather than governmental role.  For though in the Lord Advocate is placed “a constitutional trust”2 there must be a glaring breach of that trust before the courts will intervene.  Lord President Clyde’s3 view that, whilst the law officer could be subject to, “the constitutional safeguards of Parliamentary action,” there was no remedy at law for a party aggrieved by the exercise of his prosecutorial power, has been slightly modified by later cases.  Nonetheless, the “hands-off” approach prevails, justified by reference to the public interest in the efficient administration of justice: it is undesirable to see the decisions of the prosecutor challenged on a regular basis in the courts.

This traditional compromise has been formalised by the Scotland Act 1998 (“the 1998 Act”). Section 48 requires prosecutorial decisions (and decisions as to the investigation of deaths) to be taken by the Lord Advocate, “independently of any other person”.  Yet the same section requires the Scottish Parliament to approve nominations for the post, thereby enhancing – at least on paper – the political dimensions of the appointment.  The Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General are to be accountable to the legislature in Edinburgh rather than London.

Even prior to 1998 there were difficulties with this compromise.  One is the reliance on Parliament to ensure that the Lord Advocate is accountable for his prosecutorial activities.  In practice, at Westminster, a convention operated that the Lord Advocate would not be required to give reasons for a particular prosecutorial decision, the danger being that parliamentary accountability is more a matter of form than of substance.  It is too early to say how strong a stance the Holyrood Parliament will take but already the ECHR has had some impact in obliging the courts play a more active role.  As an “act” of the Executive, a decision to prosecute will be reviewable where some aspect of that decision breaches “Convention rights”, for example where there has been undue delay in bringing a prosecution4.

Secondly, whilst it may be desirable that the Lord Advocate be answerable to Parliament it is not so clear that he should have an overtly political role within the Executive.  Of course it is entirely proper that there should be parliamentary oversight of, for example, the Lord Advocate’s “strategic plan” which places increased emphasis on the prosecution of violent crime, child abuse and drug trafficking and his “review” of racially motivated crime5.

Whilst the final assessment of the public interest in prosecutions may be for the Lord Advocate alone, no democratic system should leave the policies adopted by the public prosecutor entirely unexamined.  This, though, is quite different from participating directly in the formation of wider governmental policy – the opportunity for which is provided where the Lord Advocate attains membership of the Cabinet.  The legitimacy which the Lord Advocate derives from his accountability to Parliament is necessarily undermined by suggestions that he uses this position to influence policy for which he has no mandate.  The key issue is one of public faith in the political system.

One radical reform would be the separation of the public prosecution responsibility from the Lord Advocate’s role of legal adviser to the Executive, a move which would not only mark a fundamental break with tradition but would require Westminster legislation.  This separation of functions was the route taken by the Republic of Ireland in 1974 when the Attorney General’s prosecuting functions were transferred to the newly created Director of Public Prosecutions6.  Of course one much more straightforward change could be made immediately – the removal of the Lord Advocate from the Scottish Cabinet.

The Lord Advocate as prosecutor and judge-maker

It is the Lord Advocate’s role in selecting new members of the judiciary combined with his prosecutorial function which has caused so much disarray in the Scottish courts over the past six months or so.  The Lord Advocate’s influence in the judicial appointments process has long been the cause of disquiet and negative comment7 but the partial incorporation of the ECHR has been the immediate catalyst for change.  The Lord Advocate’s role in the selection of candidates for the Bench was judicially recognised in Starrs v Ruxton8.  However, despite acknowledging that the prosecutor’s participation in the selection and reappointment of temporary sheriffs amounted to his being both party and judge in the same cause (and thereby breached the accused’s right to a fair trial under Article 6(1) of the ECHR), their Lordships were satisfied that the security of tenure which marks permanent appointments was a sufficient safeguard against any threat to their independence posed by the involvement of the Lord Advocate.  It remains to be seen whether the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council take the same view if, as is at least possible, Robbie the Pict’s challenge to Lord Wheatley’s appointment becomes one of the first “devolution issues” to be considered by that court.

There is, though, at least one specific appointment which leaves a Lord Advocate open to almost unanswerable criticism – his own.  Whilst, ironically, it might be possible to defend former Lord Advocates from challenge under Article 6 of the ECHR – employing the argument that once elevated the prosecutorial role is relinquished – it seems increasingly untenable to maintain a system which is perceived to allow unparalleled opportunity for self-promotion.  That the system involves the public prosecutor and the promotion in question is to the Bench undoubtedly adds to unease.  At a time when public faith in the courts cannot be taken for granted – undermined as it may be by reports of crises and chaos caused by devolution and the ECHR – it is essential that those involved in judicial appointments seriously address this anomaly.

The incoming Lord Advocate appears to have accepted the need for general reform of judicial appointments9 but in the interim, he might consider repeating Lord Wylie’s “self-denying ordinance” of 1972.  Whilst the then Lord Advocate undertook not to appoint himself to either of the chairs of the Inner House, public confidence might be bolstered by extending such an undertaking to any judicial role.

The Lord Advocate as politician and judge-maker

It is not an original observation that this kind of self-regulation does not address the more fundamental question of judicial appointments, an issue which has received much oxygen recently. One aspect of this question is, leaving aside the Lord Advocate’s prosecutorial responsibilities, whether he – wearing his Scottish Executive hat – should have any role in the appointments process.  This depends on a satisfactory solution to the more general matter of the extent to which the selection of judges should be left in the hands of professional politicians – an issue becoming more urgent given the perception that the determination of human rights and other constitutional issues thrown up by devolution necessarily involve the making of a greater number of “value judgments” by the judiciary.

The indications are that the Scottish Executive is considering reform in the medium term.  Its legislative powers in this area are, however, circumscribed.  The 1998 Act protects the Prime Minister’s right to recommend the appointments of the Lord President and Lord Justice Clerk, in consultation with the First Minister who himself is empowered to recommend appointments to other judicial vacancies.  These provisions cannot be changed by the Scottish Parliament although they would not prevent the Parliament establishing an “advisory” appointments commission if that is the preferred option.

Particularly interesting in this area are the implications of change for the Law Officers.  It could be that their Executive role proves an additional obstacle to their appointment to the Bench.  Some guidance may be drawn from the recent decision of the European Court of Human Rights in McGonnell10 involving a challenge to the Island of Guernsey’s “Bailiff”.  The Bailiff’s position entailed legislative and executive as well as judicial functions.  The Court held that where a judge presided over a case which required him to interpret legislation, if he had prior direct involvement in the passage of that legislation or of related executive rules, such involvement was likely to cast doubt on his impartiality and could constitute a breach of Article 6(1) of the Convention.

Whilst the logic of the Court might extend to the position of the Lord Chancellor it is more debatable how far it could affect the Lord Advocate who has no formal role in the legislature.  No doubt on a broad interpretation of the McGonnell decision, it might be argued that the Lord Advocate’s position in the Executive constituted direct involvement in the passage of legislation or executive rules.  Further, might it be argued that the prosecution policies adopted by the Lord Advocate also fall into this latter category?

The future

Undoubtedly, many Lord Advocates have been strong candidates for judicial promotion, and probably because of their prosecutorial experience rather than in spite of it.  Similarly, it seems likely that holding the public prosecutor to account will be achieved more easily where he is a member of the Executive.  Finally, it is unquestionable that the Executive should have the benefit of the advice of a Law Officer.  Nonetheless, any one of the various combinations of functions currently exercised by the Lord Advocate might be subjected to criticism, and currently those criticisms are coming thick and fast.  Whilst wholesale rejection of tradition in favour of reform at all costs rightly invites scepticism, waning public confidence is sufficient justification for a thorough examination of the office of Lord Advocate.

Normand concluded that the Lord Advocate’s powers and freedoms depended, in the end, on what he believed to be the well-informed and interested Scottish public.  In the face of perceived unfairness, he claimed, the public would be “swift to condemn”.  He was not wrong.

Christine M O’Neill LLB LLM, Lecturer in Law, Edinburgh Law School

SNP: Held onto 6 seats. Lost 39 seats. Reduced to a bare rump reminiscent of the Party’s standing before Holyrood was established. The SNP is a nonentity at Westminster where the real politics is conducted.

Alyn Smith: SNP MEP apologises over Brexit Party ‘money laundering’ claim

17 June 2019

SNP MEP Alyn Smith has issued an “unreserved” apology over his allegation that the Brexit Party is a “money laundering front”.

Brexit Party chairman Richard Tice threatened to sue Mr Smith over the claim, which he made in a TV interview.

Mr Smith has now admitted he did not have any evidence to support his claim.

He has agreed to pay a “significant” contribution to Mr Tice’s legal costs, and will also make a donation to the Help for Heroes charity.

Mr Smith was being interviewed on Sky News following last month’s European Elections when he claimed that the Brexit Party – which is led by Nigel Farage – was “a shell company that’s a money laundering front”.

• Brexit Party chief threatens to sue MEP

He went on to claim that “the only question about the Brexit Party now is which laws they’ve broken and where their campaign finances have come from”.

Mr Tice instructed his lawyers to demand an apology from Mr Smith for his “utterly false and highly damaging” comments.

Mr Smith initially attempted to mount a defence on the legal precedent that political parties do not have the power to sue in defamation proceedings.

He also said he wanted to see a “full, open and transparent inquiry into the funding of Nigel Farage and the Brexit Party”.

But after further legal letters were exchanged, Mr Smith agreed to issue an apology and to withdraw his allegations.

In a statement published by his solicitors, he said it was “not my intention” to make allegations against Mr Tice personally, but said that “having reflected upon this” he would “apologise unreservedly to him and withdraw my allegation”.

He said: “I am happy to state clearly that I do not have any evidence to support such an allegation. I spoke in the heat of the moment and am happy to set the record straight.”

Mr Tice – who was also elected to the European Parliament in May’s elections – said he was pleased that Mr Smith had apologised and “withdrawn these wholly unfounded and damaging allegations”.

He added: “People are entitled to take a different view of Brexit and I respect their right to do so. But I will not hesitate to take action against those who make false claims about the Brexit Party, and by implication those of us who run it.”

The two sides agreed to keep their full financial settlement confidential, but the Brexit Party said Mr Smith had contributed “significantly” to Mr Tice’s legal costs as well as making a charity donation to Help For Heroes.

26th July 2003 Herald and Times

Protestant, John Swinney, leader of the SNP, has had his first marriage annulled in order to marry in the Roman Catholic Church. Swinney has said that any children he might have with his new wife, Elizabeth Quigley, the BBC journalist, would be brought up as Catholics.

As a sign of his commitment to the woman he describes as ”my rock”, Mr Swinney, a practising member of the Church of Scotland, went to the Roman Catholic Scottish National Tribunal to have his first marriage annulled. The Church of Scotland marriage, which took place in 1991, was legally dissolved in 2000.

Mr Swinney, who is fighting a leadership challenge in September, attends Catholic mass regularly with Ms Quigley. He said he was ”very pleased” to receive the letter from the tribunal telling him he was free to marry in the Catholic Church.

It is not clear whether this came directly from Rome, but it will certainly have been granted with the consent of the Vatican authorities.

Mr Swinney also spoke of his overwhelming love for his wife-to-be. ”She is the most joyous person to be with,” he said. ”She is my rock, and I am extremely grateful to have met her.”

His application to have his first marriage annulled, lodged after the couple met in 2001, has taken less than two years to reach its positive conclusion. However, suspicions that Mr Swinney’s case was helped by the fact that his divorce was the result of his first wife’s infidelity, or even that it was rushed through because of his high public profile, have been strongly rejected by the Catholic Church.

Peter Kearney, spokesman for the Catholic Church in Scotland, said: ”Neither scenario would have been a factor. It is the state of the marriage when it was entered into that is taken into account. Pre-existing grounds allowing it to be set aside would have to be present from the very beginning.

”Any breakdown that develops after a marriage, be it as a result of drunkenness, violence, or adultery, has little bearing on the process, even if the petitioner is the injured party.

”However, these can be indicators of a pre-existing defect that was present at the beginning of the marriage. It is the function of the tribunal to satisfy itself, through interviews with parties to and witnesses of that marriage, that the pre-existing defects were always there.”

A senior member of the Church of Scotland last night said there was ”general unease” in the Kirk with the concept of annulment.

The Very Rev Finlay Macdonald, former moderator and principal clerk of the Church of Scotland, said: ”The general trouble we would have with the concept of annulment would be that annulment presumes that the marriage never took place.

In canon law, “lack of due discretion” (specifically covered under Canon 1095 of the Catholic Church) is a technical legal category, not a personal insult.

It generally covers situations where, at the exact moment of the wedding one or more factors existed

Immaturity:

One or both partners did not possess the psychological or emotional maturity required to understand the lifelong commitment of marriage.

Lack of Internal Freedom:

A person faced heavy external pressure, anxiety, or circumstances that impaired their ability to make a completely free, unforced choice.

Inability to Fulfill Vows:

A hidden emotional or behavioral condition existed that made it impossible for a partner to actually carry out the essential duties of marriage, regardless of what they promised at the altar.

The Catholic Church publicly emphasized that the tribunal did not rule based on his first wife’s subsequent infidelity. They only looked at the psychological state of the couple in 1991 to determine that a valid spiritual bond was never formed.

The reasons for the decision to annul the marriage have never been revealed. But there was a confirmed measure of compatibiliy. Two children were born in the marriage. that never existed. They stayed with their mum.

The events

01 Nov 2017: Miss A, (who was also an elected local counselllor for the Labour Party) said that James Dornan MSP, her boss, had been contacted by someone, possibly McCann, from SNP Party headquarters. Without consulting her Dornan copied MCann her private Twitter messages of 26 September 2016, which he had retained for over a year without her knowledge or permission. His actions well fit the profile of senior officials of the SNP whose practice is to retain information which they use later to bring to account officers and/or staff who might fall foul of the Party hierarchy.

02 Nov 2017: Mark was ordered to attend a meeting with John Swinney at which Liz Lloyd was present, and was informed that there was on-going “chatter” among Party members about him in relation to the “MeToo” movement.

03 Nov 2017: Liz Lloyd convened a second meeting with Mark at which she showed him copies of his messages to Miss A. She said that a complaint that had been lodged against him by an SNP Party member, James Dornan and informed him that his position as a minister of the government was no longer tenable and he would need to resign.

05 Nov 2017: Mark resigned as minister for childcare and early years.

07 Nov 2017: In a weird turn of events Sturgeon dismissed the notion that Mark should have been forced to resign claiming that “Some may well have thought it was not serious enough to resign for.”

Swinney and Lloyd had acted without first gaining the authority of Sturgeon begging the question. Who was running the Party?

Murrell told the Holyrood Inquiry that Party policy dictated the handling of complaints within the Party was the responsibility of the Party Executive and it did not share case details with any other organisation unless the complaint highlighted a “clear act of criminality”, and at no time in the Autumn of 2017 did the Party inform any Scottish Government civil servant or special advisor of a complaint by a Party member against a minister of the Government.

Swinney and Lloyd had acted without first gaining the authority of Sturgeon begging the question. Who was running the Party?

Swinney and Lloyd contravened the ministerial code and should have been dismissed by Sturgeon.

Jan 2017: The million plus Unionist Petition demanded an end to Indepenence electioneering

I compiled an analysis using information from the petition and produced a predictive 2017 election outcome.

Electorate totals were included and a percentage signatory total was established for each constituency. From that the mean figure of 3.75% was used to project the outcome of a second Independence referendum.

The figures suggested that from an electorate of 4,021,203 the outcome of another referendum would result in a: 48.00% “Yes” vote in favour of independence with 52.00% preferring to remain with the Union. 

This important information should have allowed Murrell to forward plan the SNP May 2017 electioneering strategy.

As expected Edinburgh, Aberdeen, East Renfrewshire and East Dunbartonshire recorded higher than average figures favouring remaining with the Union.

Jan 2017: The Calton Jock 2017 General Election forecast 

The General Election in Scotland will not be a re-run of the 2015 General Election and the landslide victory achieved by the SNP cannot realistically be achieved.

The analysis suggests 25 seats might be lost to the Tory Party and significant SNP financial resources and additional teams of activists will need to be deployed in force in the under-noted constituencies otherwise they may be lost.

This group of seats are marginals – risk decreases as the % number drops:

71749: Edinburgh West, Michelle Thomson MP : 4388-6.12% Lost

69982: East Renfrewshire, Kirsten Oswald MP: 4241-6.06% Lost

66966: East Dunbartonshire, John Nicolson MP: 3977-5.94% Lost

73445: West Abdn, Stuart Blair Donaldson MP: 3961-5.40% Lost

80978: Edinburgh North & Leith, Deidre Brock MP: 4280-5.29% Held

66208: Paisley & Renfrew, Gavin Newlands MP: 3158-4.77% Held

68875: Argyll & Bute, Brendan O’Hara MP: 3277-4.75% Held

62003: North East Fife, Stephen Gethins MP: 2937-4.74% Held

67236: Stirling, Steven Paterson MP: 3175-4.72% Lost

77379: Ochil & Perth, Tasmina-A-Sheikh MP: 3645-4.71% Lost

79393: Gordon, Rt. Hon Alex Salmond MP: 3711-4.68% Lost

68056: Aberdeen South, Callum McCaig MP: 3618-4.65% Lost

79481: East Lothian, George Kerevan MP: 3676-4.63% Lost

72178: Edinburgh S-West, Joanna Cherry QC: 3283-4.55% ) Held

72447: Perth & N-Perthshire, Pete Wishart MP: 3033-4.19% Held

71685: Moray, Rt. Hon Angus Robertson MP: 2995-4.18% Lost

78037: Lanark & Hamilton-E, Angela Crawley MP: 3272-4.19% Held

74179: Berwick, Roxburgh, Selkirk: Calum Kerr MP: 3026-4.08% Lost

86955: Linlithgow, East Falkirk, Martyn Day MP:3570-4.11% Held

68609: Banff & Buchan, Dr Eilidh Whiteford MP: 2772-4.04% Lost

73445: W. Abdn,  Stuart-B-Donaldson MP: 3961-5.40% Lost

71685: Moray, Rt. Hon Angus Robertson MP: 2995-4.18% Lost

68056: Aberdeen South, Callum McCaig MP: 3618-4.65% Lost

The 2017 General Election and the resurgence of the Tory Party in Scotland

The 2017 General Election in Scotland first exposed Scottish voters to “data mining”. A new form of politics imported from the USA, providing tools and profiling information allowing Tory candidates to communicate personally with their prospective constituents.

The benefits were astounding. The Tories gained a stunning result, increasing their MP’s from 1 to 13 in total.

Pollsters were flabbergasted at the turnaround in the voting since the SNP appeared to be invulnerable.

But Tory candidates had been well briefed about the individual targets within their constituencies. The new voting strategy used predictive data models which identified, engaged and persuaded swing voters to turnout.

This was achieved through the use of internet, phone and personal surveys combined with many other data sets, created by teams of contracted data scientists, psychologists and political consultants allowing the campaign to map the Scottish electorate based on ideology, demographics, religious beliefs, strongly held opinions on key issues e.g. Independence, the Orange Lodge, Celtic, Rangers, The SNP and or political personalities.

The information gathered provided Tory campaign strategists with a predictive analysis based on thousands of data points on just about every voter in Scotland.

From that teams of political consultants and psychologists, hired by the Party directed the campaign and candidates on what and how to say it to selected groups of voters.

Other voter targeting, included use of Facebook adverts, one to one scripted phone calls and provision of the content of messages for door-to-door canvassers ensuring consistent communication with voters on any issue.

What won the day for the Tory party in 2017 was that they utilised “data mining” to gain a comprehensive understanding of the Scottish electorate and then used every communication aid available facilitating discussions with voters about matters important to them as individuals.

Throughout the campaign the Tory tactic was to constantly broadcast the “no new referendum” message in the “no” constituencies stressing the major difference between the Tory and any other candidates firmly imprinting this in the electorate’s minds.

In contrast the SNP campaign lacked inspiration. Murrell starved “at risk” constituencies of financial resources and failed to get the SNP voters out. Had he been the chief strategist of any political party other than the SNP he would have been given his marching orders.

Incredulously the First Minister, (his wife), supported by other members of the SNP executive Swinney, Robertson, awarded him a massive pay rise and extended his contract of employment.

Recent revelations indicate that Murrell’s systematic misappropriation of SNP finances traces back to around 2010 revealing the possibility that SNP finances my have been insufficient to meet the demands of the 2017 General Election campaign by design.

On the date of the hearing, a newspaper published the accusations made against Briggs as well as details of email conversations between Sandy Brindley, chief executive of the charity and the complainer’s representative.

The alleged incident:

Tory and SNP politicians had been mixing socially. The woman who accused Briggs said he had “draped himself” over her at the reception, pushed her against a wall and made lewd comments.

Briggs said that she had vigorously disagreed with him over welfare reform He called her a “crazy bitch” and left.

The SNP witness said: “the complainer was very aggressive and confrontational towards Briggs.”

She followed up saying: “my boss and SNP colleagues agreed with my actions telling me I did the right thing in standing up and telling the truth. The actions of Brindley will deter people from coming forward over rape allegations and sexual harassment cases. Had I read the press allegations without first hand knowledge of the events, I would have assumed him to be guilty. Anonymity for both sides should be honoured until there has been an investigation, a hearing and a decision.”

“Rape Crisis and [the complainer] turned this into a huge, big media circus and a political thing. How is that going to encourage women to come forward? They’re sending a message that women aren’t going to be believed. I don’t understand why they’ve done this.

Comment: The SNP witness is to be congratulated. In defending Briggs against the malicious complainant she saved his political career. It is to the eternal shame of the SNP membership of the SNP that the names of those who participated in the political destruction of Alex Samond have not yet surfaced.

Mhairi Black

Paisley born in 1994 she was educated at Lourdes Secondary School, Glasgow, and the University of Glasgow, where she was awarded a first-class honours degree in Politics and Public Policy in June 2015.

Formerly a Labour Party supporter she said she was a “traditional socialist”, citing Tony Benn as her enduring political hero despite his opposition to Scottish independence.

A member of the Scottish National Party (SNP), she has been the MP for Paisley and Renfrewshire South since 2015.

Her defeat of Douglas Alexander, a Labour MP and Shadow Foreign Secretary, was unexpected and entirely due to the collapse in popularity of the Labour Party in Scotland.

Worked in a local chippie before entering politics.

Only a few days after her election to parliament, on 1 July 2015, it was announced that she had been appointed to the Work and Pensions Select Committee.

She made her maiden speech on 14 July 2015 and criticised the Tory government’s approach to unemployment and the growing need for food banks. She said: “Food banks are not part of the Welfare State. They are a symbol that the welfare state is failing.” She also took the government to task over cuts to housing benefit and State Pension Inequality (WASPI).

In a 2016 interview, while expressing concern about displays of arrogance and sexism towards her from other MPs, she labelled Westminster an “old boys club totally excluded from reality”.

And in 2017, she considered not standing for a second term expressing her frustration that: “so little gets done and it is a pain to travel to and from London every week”.

But despite her lack of enthusiasm she decided to stand again at the 2017 general election. And in a controversial campaign she was heckled by protestors who were angry at the decision of the SNP Government to close the sick children’s ward at the Royal Alexandra Hospital in her constituency.

But she was re-elected albeit with a much reduced majority. She stood again in the 2019 general election and was elected.

She is a strong critic of the Tory government’s rollout of Universal Credit, maintaining that delays in payments have serious negative effects on claimants and she is critical of how loans must be paid back later.

She said in Parliament that the government was like a: “pious loan shark except that instead of coming through your front door they are coming after your mental health, your physical well-being, your stability, your sense of security that is what the experience is for all of our constituents. Plunging people into debt and hunger causes anxiety and distress and the eviction of families from their homes does not incentivise work.’

21 Jul 2018 Black admits to health issues

Elected MP for Paisley and Renfrewshire South in 2015, and re-elected in June 2017 she said that the long hours, frequent travelling and stress of three years working as Paisley’s MP had taken its toll on her health and well-being and the pressure of being a public figure was something she was still adjusting to.

She said: “It’s absolutely horrendous. I hate it. But I will strive to help the people in my community who have fallen through the cracks. I have no desire to be famous or to be the face of something, or have a profile. I just want to do a good job. If that means shining a spotlight on something then I’ll do it but I don’t want it shone on me. The whole reason I’m in this job is to try and help the people I feel weren’t getting enough help before we were elected.”

On issues affecting her own personal life, she said: ” it is not something I plan to open the door on. I’ll talk to anyone about politics or whatever but my life’s my business. I suppose it’s the kind of thing where one day, maybe, but right now I’m an MP.

You only need to know what my political opinions are, you don’t need to know about my personal life. Asked about her decision to “come out”, she replied “I’ve never been in”.

Comment: But even allowing for the impact of stress which might be attributed to the foregoing, which incidentally can be applied to to all Scottish MPs, her attendance record at parliament is poor.

And her staff back in Glasgow are clearly also adversely affected by the stress their MP suffers from since she/they seem incapable of providing an acceptable level of services to her/their constituents.

Her/their letter response rates to constituent requests for assistance has been measured at just 27% in contrast her colleague Ronnie Cowan (Inverclyde) who achieved an 81% response rate, Ian Blackford 80%, Michael Weir 77%, and so on.

It is also difficult to square her claims of stress etc against her presence in parliament. Her attendance record compares poorly when measured against her colleagues: (https://www.writetothem.com/stats/2015/mps) – (http://www.publicwhip.org.uk/mps.php)

Attendance 2017-
Mhairi Black 57.7%
Ian Blackford 88.5%
Kirsty Blackman 92.3%
David Linden 91.0%
Stewart McDonald 80.8%
Joanna Cherry 89.7%
Deidre Brock 85.9%
Alan Brown 89.7%

18 Dec 2017: I need a life of my own

In an interview with the “Holyrood” magazine she said: “People need to recognise that I have a life of my own and I have responsibilities to the people in it.

They’ve looked after me and supported me because they recognise that I’m fighting a political battle that needs fought just now but no one has the energy to keep going forever.

I’m tired of sitting in constituency surgeries and despite what’s been said, I have been doing them from the very start having people coming to me with all these problems, and saying to me this is horrible, I can’t live, I can’t survive, it’s terrible, and I’m agreeing with them but when they ask me what I can do about it, I’m like, ‘well, we can raise it in parliament’.

I can press, I can twist arms but fundamentally, they [the UK Government] don’t need to give a thing.

21 Feb 2020: Black promotes the LBBTQ cause with a visit to a Primary School with drag act “Flowjob”

Flowjob was introduced to the children at Glencoats Primary in Paisley by Black, as “Flow” and read pupils a story in drag. After revelations in the press that Flojob’s social media profile contained sexually explicit material Education Secretary John Swinney said the “Flowjob” visit should not have happened.

Concerned parents and Renfrewshire Council apologised for the “concern the incident had caused”. Black took to social media later and accused concerned parents of “homophobia”.

25 Feb 2020: Black and an unfortunate incident at a Paisley primary school

What on earth is going on in my old home town of Paisley?

Mhairi Black, local MP and the SNP’s Scottish spokesperson at Westminster, is at the centre of an extraordinary row. She took a drag queen a character who travels under the name “Flowjob” apparently to read a story at a school in the town. Incredibly, the children were in Primary One, that is they are just starting out on the journey of life.

Those who have scrutinised Mr Flowjob’s online accounts tell me that they feature all manner of highly sexualised material. Saying that there is fury from parents and the wider community is putting it mildly. The Scottish media is reporting a tidal wave of outrage.

Black further inflamed the situation lashing out at critics, accusing them of homophobia.

The SNP’s top new spindoctor become embroiled after musing in a late-night tweet that he couldn’t see what the fuss is about when parents take their children to the pantomime featuring drag acts. Sometimes in Glasgow panto, I’m told, the Krankies are involved. Foote tweeted: “I could be wrong but do thousands of parents not voluntarily take their primary age kids along to see drag acts in pantomime every Christmas?” It turned out Foote could be wrong.

The following morning he clarified his position, stating: “In hindsight this tweet lacked the necessary qualification around some of the legitimate parental concerns about social media posts. I was attempting to make too broad a point.”

Attempting to make too broad a point. That’s one way of putting it. Recent convert to the cause of Scottish Independence and immediately appointed by Sturgeon, to the post of Party spin-doctor.

Foote, a former editor of The Daily Record, needs to watch out with the ever suspicious Nats. He is credited as one of the original authors of “The Vow” – the devolutionist pledge promising Scotland more powers to which Gordon Brown put his name in the final days of the 2014 referendum campaign when the Unionist side needed help.

The Vow was, it is said, literally drawn up on the back of a beermat by Foote and a Unionist associate. They then had it done up like a mock scroll and put on the front page of the tabloid Daily Record, to the fury of the Nats who saw it as a last minute attempt to hoodwink the voters.

This latest Paisley-rooted row follows the resignation of Gay MSP, Derek Mackay, over a sexting scandal. The disgraced Mackay used to run the local council and is MSP – still – for a seat which takes in part of Paisley.

What is happening to the place and its politicians? Paisley has actually been doing rather better with a long-running programme of regeneration. The SNP seems more interested in degeneration.

As a Paisley person, albeit one in exile, I am flabbergasted. One half of the town was until 2015 represented by the cerebral son of the manse Douglas Alexander for Labour. While I can imagine Douglas opting to take a Nobel Prize-winning economist in to tell Primary One pupils an improving story about income redistribution and regional policy, he would never for a second think it a remotely good idea to do what Black has done.

A seasoned observer of the Scottish scene says that Paisley’s other MSP George Adam, the straight-laced SNP chief whip (no jokes about whips here), will not like any of this either: “George is an old-fashioned guy who thinks the local electorate think the party should be getting on with the day job rather than the flowjob.”

But then perhaps some of the voters in my home town prefer the Black approach. Sufficient numbers of Paisley persons adore Black and they made her MP. The self-defined working class hero Black is actually from a nice part of Paisley, called Ralston, overlooking the golf course, incidentally. But this is rarely mentioned. (Iain Martin-reaction.life)

26 Feb 2022: Black under fire from feminist campaigners

Current 2004 GRA legislation requires a medical diagnosis of gender dysphoria in order to obtain a Gender Recognition Certificate. Labour MP Angela Eagle submitted a motion calling for the current act to be scrapped in favour of a self-identification system.

Speaking in a Commons debate Black pointed out that one to two per cent of the world’s population are born with sex characteristics that don’t match the binary of male and female. She Added: “People often think that we have male and female but the truth is that one to two percent of the global population is born intersex which means they represent characteristics of both sexes. To put that in perspective, one to two per cent of the population are ginger.

Also in the debate SNP MP Joanna Cherry said clashes over trans rights have become so toxic that MPs are “afraid” to debate the issue. she said: “I have received death and rape threats for raising concerns about calls for people to be able to obtain legal recognition more easily if they want to change gender and I have been vilified for speaking out about the impact reforms could have.

But if we lose clarity over what the words male and female mean it will make it more difficult to set and enforce clear and simple rules for female-only services and women’s sport. And women should not be expected to share their intimate spaces, such as public toilets, with men”. She added: “MPs are afraid to engage in this debate because of the potential backlash from campaigners”

But “For Women Scotland” blasted Black’s comments as ignorant and offensive and in a follow up Twitter post they said: “She recycles old, misinformed nonsense about “intersex” being as prevalent as red-heads. And she is clearly unaware that most people with differences in sex development (DSDs) are unambiguously male or female.